Over the weekend, Sen. Gordon Smith (R-Ore.) relayed a recent conversation he had with Gen. David Petraeus, the new top military commander in Iraq, about the president’s latest escalation policy. Petraeus reportedly told Smith that the new “surge” has only a one in four chance of succeeding.
With those odds, and with the general in charge of Iraq 75% confident the plan will fail, it stands to reason that the administration would want to come up with a variety of contingency plans. Or not.
During a White House meeting last week, a group of governors asked President Bush and Marine Gen. Peter Pace, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, about their backup plan for Iraq. What would the administration do if its new strategy didn’t work?
The conclusion they took away, the governors later said, was that there is no Plan B. “I’m a Marine,” Pace told them, “and Marines don’t talk about failure. They talk about victory.”
Pace had a simple way of summarizing the administration’s position, Gov. Phil Bredesen (D-Tenn.) recalled. “Plan B was to make Plan A work.”
Part of the problem seems to be an inability for administration officials to decide whether or not they should even bother with a Plan B at all. Two months ago, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice told senators that it would irresponsible to even consider the possibility of the escalation strategy failing. One month ago, Defense Secretary Robert Gates said the opposite, telling the Senate Armed Services Committee, “I would be irresponsible if I weren’t thinking about what the alternatives might be.” Now the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff is back to where Rice was in January. If these guys could pick a talking point and go with it, I’m sure everyone would appreciate it.
More importantly, though, Pace’s claims about avoiding a Plan B just aren’t believable.
It seems awkward, to put it mildly, to have higher expectations of the Bush administration than officials’ rhetoric would suggest, but it’s simply inconceivable that, after four years of tragic misjudgments and horrific errors, the entire Bush gang would rally behind a policy that few military leaders and policy experts believe in and refuse to consider future alternatives. I’m not an expert in military planning, but my sense is that Pentagon officials are constantly drawing up contingency plans for just about every imaginable scenario. They have war gamers crafting just-in-case scenarios all the time, have done so for decades.
But in this case, they would have us believe that none of this is happening anymore. Coach Bush called a Hail Mary, and the team threw out the playbook.
Please. What’s the point of this charade? Conservative Ed Morrissey wrote:
It’s a transparent catch-22. If the Bush administration refuses to discuss the alternatives, then the media can say they have no fallback plans. If they start discussing the alternatives, their political opponents can use them to insist on transitioning to the fallbacks immediately.
I think that’s only partially right. If the administration at least acknowledged that fallback plans exist, it doesn’t matter if political opponents insist. Bush has ignored these demands before, he ignores them now, and will continue to ignore them as long as he’s in office. What does the White House care whether war critics “insist” on transitioning to Plan B? The answer can stay the same: “No.”
Instead, I suspect the answer probably is some misguided sense of public relations. It’s likely that the White House somehow got the notion that drawing up a Plan B, and acknowledging it, would a) make them appear “weak”; and b) send a “dangerous message to our enemies.” They’re wrong, of course, but they seem convinced that the latest escalation strategy is more likely to work if they maintain the fiction that it has to work.
So, am I suggesting that they’re appearing obstinate and incompetent on purpose? Pretty much.