Just yesterday, I noted that not all of the purged prosecutors were equal. The administration may have had legitimate grounds for dismissal for a couple of the purged prosecutors, a fact that only helps highlight the weak reasoning for the others. The LA Times, for example, reported that in San Francisco, where Kevin Ryan was fired, “the office has become the most fractured office in the nation, morale has fallen to the point that it is harming our prosecutorial efforts and [Ryan] has lost the confidence of many of the career prosecutors who are leaving the office.”
A fairly compelling explanation for his ouster, right? Well, it would be, except Ryan’s professional troubles had nothing to do with why the Bush gang decided to fire him.
The “company man” hired and fired by the Bush administration as U.S. attorney in San Francisco was a loyal Republican the administration wanted to keep on — until it appeared he could become a public relations liability….
Despite his problems, which were well documented in legal newspapers, Justice officials wanted to keep Ryan on, even as they plotted the firings of other U.S. attorneys. It was only when a Democratic judge threatened to go to Congress to raise a public fuss over an excoriating written evaluation of Ryan’s office that Ryan was put on the termination list, according to e-mails released by the White House.
Ryan’s critics persuaded Justice that his firing “could avoid the release of documents” highly critical of his management style, Little said.
Consider what this tells us: a U.S. Attorney’s on-the-job performance, when shown to be problematic, wasn’t even enough to get him fired. As Kevin Drum put it, “[It] kinda makes you think that neither poor performance nor policy differences really had anything to do with any of this, doesn’t it?”
Yep.
We’re left with Kevin Ryan, who was fired to avoid his poor performance becoming public; Margaret Chiara, another loyalist who appeared to have genuine management problems; and five more who were fired for unclear reasons — but who all seem to have shared the fatal defect of prosecuting too many Republicans and not enough Democrats. (Plus one more who was fired to make way for a friend of Karl Rove to take his spot.)
In other purge-scandal news:
* USA Today reported today, “Three of the eight federal prosecutors ousted by the Justice Department as poor performers ranked in the top 10 for prosecutions and convictions by the nation’s 93 U.S. attorneys, an analysis of court records shows…. A fourth former prosecutor, Daniel Bogden of Nevada, ranked among the top third of all U.S. attorneys during four of the past five years, according to federal data maintained by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.”
* Yesterday, Tony Snow said he’d been “led to believe” that the Justice Department had a good explanation for the 18-day gap in purge documents from November. And what is this explanation? Brian Roehrkasse, a spokesman for the Justice Department, told the NYT, “To the extent there was a lull in communications concerning the U.S. attorney issues, it reflects the fact that we have found no responsive documents from that time period, which included the Thanksgiving holiday.” (I love the word “lull” as a euphemism for “gap.”)
* Speaking of the 18-day gap, Paul Kiel reported on one email from the relevant time period, in which DoJ official Michael Elston forwards a review document concerning the Northern District of California to another DoJ employee and asks that it be printed. Doesn’t seem like a big deal.
* ThinkProgress found another, between Kyle Sampson and Brent Ward, the porn prosecutor. In the emails, Ward complains about resistance from several U.S. Attorneys to prosecuting obscenity cases, problems that the Bush administration now claims are responsible for the firings of prosecutors Daniel Bogden in Nevada and Paul Charlton in Arizona.
* Attorney General Alberto Gonzales hosted Republican Sens. Orrin Hatch, Jon Kyl, John Cornyn, and Jeff Sessions for a lunch meeting yesterday.
* The WaPo ran a helpful rundown of how the legal process will unfold if Congress sends the White House subpoenas, and the Bush gang resists.
* And Josh Marshall ran a great big-picture item last night.
Back up a bit from the sparks flying over executive privilege and congressional testimony and you realize that these are textbook cases of the party in power interfering or obstructing the administration of justice for narrowly partisan purposes. It’s a direct attack on the rule of law.
This much is already clear in the record. And we’re now having a big public debate about the politics for each side if the president tries to obstruct the investigation and keep the truth from coming out. The contours and scope of executive privilege is one issue, and certainly an important one. But in this case it is being used as no more than a shield to keep the full extent of the president’s perversion of the rule of law from becoming known.
It’s yet another example of how far this White House has gone in normalizing behavior that we’ve been raised to associate with third-world countries where democracy has never successfully taken root and the rule of law is unknown. At most points in our history the idea that an Attorney General could stay in office after having overseen such an effort would be unthinkable. The most telling part of this episode is that they’re not even really denying the wrongdoing. They’re ignoring the point or at least pleading ‘no contest’ and saying it’s okay.
Stay tuned.