So, what did the Senate Judiciary Committee learn from former White House political director Sara Taylor yesterday? Ostensibly, the hearing was about the Bush gang’s role in the U.S. Attorney purge scandal. Taylor agreed to appear, despite the White House “directing” her not to cooperate, under a dubious claim of executive privilege.
It led to the worst of both worlds. Taylor honored a subpoena (which was good), but honored Bush’s suspect claim to executive privilege (which was bad). She ended up repeatedly telling the senators that she couldn’t remember, couldn’t explain, or couldn’t talk about anything of interest. She invoked Fred Fielding’s name 24 times, and mentioned his letter about privilege 35 times.
But even more annoying, as Slate’s Dahlia Lithwick explained, was that Taylor was selective when it came to what was privileged information. In short, when she liked the question and wanted to answer it, Taylor testified. When she didn’t, she claimed she was forbidden from speaking.
Specter opines that Taylor correctly asserted the Fielding privilege in response to Leahy’s question about her conversations with the president. This makes it doubly strange later in the day when Taylor elects to answer that same question. (The president did not discuss the firings with her.) See? It’s not just the senators fighting about the scope of this amorphous executive privilege; even the witness can’t fix upon a clear rule. Taylor spends the morning huddling with her lawyer, Neil Eggleston, who in a most unlawyerly fashion urges her to disclose more, not less, ostensibly privileged information. The result is a session of bizarre push-me-pull-you testimony in which Taylor asserts this “privilege” that is not hers to assert, and then arguably waives that same “privilege” over and over again as she discusses in detail things that clearly fall within its vast scope.
At first this pattern of half-compliance with the subpoena just confuses the senators. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., huffs that “the fact that you are answering some questions but not others weakens the executive privilege claim even further. It shows how specious their claim is.” But later, Ben Cardin, D-Md., and Leahy begin to observe that in fact Taylor’s notion of the executive privilege seems to be that she can testify at length to exonerate friends at the White House, then clam up when she might implicate them. As Leahy growls toward the end of the day, “each time the finger points at you, you hide behind your oath to the president.”
Earlier this week, when the White House claimed privilege, Dems asked the Bush gang to explain the basis for the claim. The White House refused — effectively saying, “We can’t talk and we can’t talk about why we can’t talk.”
Taylor’s testimony raised a different possibility: the White House can’t explain the claim because their argument doesn’t make any sense, even to them.
Talking about hiring Tim Griffin? That’s fine. Talking about firing David Iglesias? That’s not fine. Answering questions about complaints raised against U.S. Attorneys? No problem. Answering questions about who Taylor talked to about these complaints? Problem. There was “absolutely no wrongdoing done by anybody in the White House,” but we’ll have to take her word for it, because she can’t explain what anyone in the White House did.
Perhaps the most noteworthy denial was Taylor’s insistence that the president himself was not involved with the scandal.
A former White House political director, Sara M. Taylor, told the Senate Judiciary Committee on Wednesday that she believed President Bush was not involved in last year’s dismissal of federal prosecutors.
Ms. Taylor said she “did not attend any meetings with the president where the matter was discussed” and could not recall seeing any presidential directives about the firings. Asked whether Mr. Bush was involved in the firings, she replied, “I do not have any knowledge that he was.”
Democrats dismissed Ms. Taylor’s testimony as part of what they called a continuing effort to conceal political motives behind the dismissals and to interfere with Congressional inquiries into how and why at least eight United States attorneys were removed.
But several Democrats said Ms. Taylor’s portrayal of the president’s role as minimal undercut Mr. Bush’s broad assertion of executive privilege, a doctrine he has used in an effort to block Congressional demands for documents and testimony of White House aides.
A few other related items worth noting:
* Alex Koppelman talked at some length to former U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Arkansas Bud Cummins, who Sara Taylor helped smear. Cummins’ perspective on yesterday’s hearing was quite illuminating and worth reading.
* Taylor used an unaccountable, private RNC email address to be “efficient.” That doesn’t make any sense.
* The fight over Harriet Miers’s subpoena is going to be even more contentious, and there’s some suggestion that the White House cannot legally block her from testifying.
After yesterday’s developments, Pat Leahy asked, “What is the White House trying to hide?” Apparently, quite a bit.