Kevin Drum had a gem of a post yesterday explaining, in a general sense, one of the principal flaws in the debate over Bush’s Iraq policy — opponents of the war aren’t arguing effectively enough.
In a sense, this may seem like a moot point. The Dems’ arguments against Bush’s policy couldn’t be that bad; after all, polls show overwhelming support for the Dems’ approach to changing course. But there’s a catch — a recent NYT poll (.pdf), for example, noted that 65% of Americans respondents want to withdraw either some or all of our troops from Iraq within the next year.
But the next question asked, “What if removing troops meant Iraq would become more of a base of operations for terrorists, then would you still favor removing U.S. troops from Iraq, or not?” The number dropped from 65% to 30%. There’s little doubt the public rejects Bush’s policy, but there’s still at least some anxiety that conservatives might be right about the consequences of withdrawal.
That’s where the quality of the arguments comes into play. Opposition to the war is broad, but it needs to be deep. If it were, Dems probably wouldn’t be so hesitant to cut off funding.
The right has its argument down pat — the status quo may be bad, but the alternative is worse. Our departure would create a vacuum that would be filled by terrorists and plunge the entire Middle East into turmoil. Terrorists would be emboldened, an Islamic caliphate would be established, and civilization would hang in the balance. Scary.
Then there are the Dems’ arguments.
Here’s my list of accurate-but-unpersuasive talking points:
* The surge doesn’t work
* U.S. casualties are too high
* The war is costing too much money
* The entire Bush policy is based on a lie and should have never been launched in the first place
Again, all of these points are true, but they pale in comparison to the apocalypse described by the right when predicting the consequence of withdrawal. It’s what brings that number from 65% to 30%. For those 35%, it doesn’t matter if the war was sold under false pretenses; that was 2003. It doesn’t matter if the surge doesn’t work; find a policy that will. It doesn’t matter the cost in blood and treasure; a global war is at stake.
So, what are the better arguments? Kevin lists several:
* A significant chunk of the insurgency is motivated by opposition to the American occupation. Our presence is actively inflaming the violence, not reducing it.
* The Maliki government will never make any political compromises as long as they know we’re around to prop them up. Leaving is the only way to force them into action.
* We’re arming both sides in a civil war. The longer we stay, the worse the eventual bloodbath will be.
* Our presence in Iraq is al-Qaeda’s greatest recruiting tool. They’re going to keep getting stronger until we leave.
* The real disaster is in Afghanistan and Pakistan. We desperately need to send more troops into that theater.
Inadvertently, Gen. Casey alluded to another yesterday during a congressional hearing.
The Army’s top officer, General George Casey, told Congress yesterday that his branch of the military has been stretched so thin by the war in Iraq that it can not adequately respond to another conflict – one of the strongest warnings yet from a military leader that repeated deployments to war zones in the Middle East have hamstrung the military’s ability to deter future aggression.
In his first appearance as Army chief of staff, Casey told the House Armed Services Committee that the Army is “out of balance” and “the current demand for our forces exceeds the sustainable supply. We are consumed with meeting the demands of the current fight and are unable to provide ready forces as rapidly as necessary for other potential contingencies.”
So, why must we move away from Bush’s policy in Iraq? To achieve our goals and protect our interests, we have to get out of there. Now, someone go tell the Dems.