One never knows what’s going to spur an ongoing controversy among leading media figures. Given some of the nonsense that captures journalists’ attention, I suppose it’s good news that there’s been so much interest in Ronald Reagan’s “states’ rights” speech in Philadelphia, Mississippi, 27 years ago.
If you’re just joining us, the Great Krugman-Brooks Feud of 2007 has been ongoing. Paul Krugman, in a recent column and in his great new book, noted that Reagan employed a divisive Southern strategy in 1980, starting his campaign with a speech supporting states’ rights in the same Mississippi town where three civil rights workers were murdered. David Brooks responded, accusing Krugman (without mentioning his name) of being a “partisan” who is “distorting” historical events. Krugman responded to Brooks (without mention his name, either) in a blog post, highlighting for context Reagan’s history of racial problems.
Last week, the NYT’s Bob Herbert tries to set the record straight and comes down decisively in Krugman’s corner. Herbert noted the vicious murders of civil-rights advocates committed by white supremacists in the area, which was the community’s claim to fame when Reagan stopped by.
The right’s response has been underwhelming. National Review took to arguing, “Enough already. Nobody believes Reagan is a bigot.”
But as Krugman added today, that’s entirely beside the point.
Reagan’s defenders protest furiously that he wasn’t personally bigoted. So what? We’re talking about his political strategy. His personal beliefs are irrelevant.
Quite right. I didn’t know Reagan; I can’t speak to his personal attitudes on race. I do know Reagan’s public record, and I’ve seen the ample evidence that he appealed to bigots and used divisive racial tactics for political gain.
Krugman added an explanation of why this still matters.
Why does this history matter now? Because it tells why the vision of a permanent conservative majority, so widely accepted a few years ago, is wrong.
The point is that we have become a more diverse and less racist country over time. The “macaca” incident, in which Senator George Allen’s use of a racial insult led to his election defeat, epitomized the way in which America has changed for the better.
And because conservative ascendancy has depended so crucially on the racial backlash — a close look at voting data shows that religion and “values” issues have been far less important — I believe that the declining power of that backlash changes everything.
Can anti-immigrant rhetoric replace old-fashioned racial politics? No, because it mobilizes the same shrinking pool of whites — and alienates the growing number of Latino voters.
Now, maybe I’m wrong about all of this. But we should be able to discuss the role of race in American politics honestly. We shouldn’t avert our gaze because we’re unwilling to tarnish Ronald Reagan’s image.
Hear, hear.