It’s one of those political truisms that everyone seems to know — senators don’t usually win presidential elections. In American history, only two sitting senators — Warren Harding and John F. Kennedy — have ever won the White House, and only five others — Lewis Cass, Barry Goldwater, George McGovern, Bob Dole, and John Kerry — even got their respective party’s nomination. Governors, Bill Richardson liked to remind us during his campaign, tend to do a lot better.
That is, up until fairly recently. In 2004, three Democratic candidates won primaries — Kerry, Edwards, and Clark — and there wasn’t a governor among them. In 2008, Obama, Clinton, and Edwards have been the Dems’ top tier for a year, and once again, no governors. Among the Republicans’ top six candidates, only two are governors. Other governors threw their hat into the ring — Vilsack, Gilmore, Richardson — but didn’t fare well at all.
I suspect people can come up with a variety of explanations for this trend — George W. Bush’s presidency certainly hasn’t helped the notion that the best presidents are former governors — but David Broder seems troubled by the development.
It was … stunning to realize that the three current and former senators who have survived the shakeout process — Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and John Edwards — have not a day of chief executive experience among them.
By contrast, the Republican field is loaded with people who are accustomed to being in charge of large organizations. Mitt Romney and Mike Huckabee were governors of their states of Massachusetts and Arkansas, Rudy Giuliani served as the mayor of New York, and John McCain, as he likes to remind audiences, commanded the largest squadron in the Navy air wing.
In the past, voters have preferred to entrust the White House to those with executive credentials. John Kennedy was the last sitting senator to be elevated to the presidency. Since then, the former governors of Georgia, California, Arkansas and Texas have dominated the list of successful candidates. All of them stumbled during their tenures in the White House, and only Ronald Reagan left the presidency with his place in the history books seemingly securely enhanced.
But the public remains convinced that the Oval Office is a place for executive talents — which makes the current Democratic field something of an anomaly.
Is the “public” convinced of this, or is David Broder?
Broder has a variety of frustrating quirks, but near the top of the list is his tendency to state his opinion by asserting, without proof or argument, that the “public” and he are of the same mind. He wants a governor to win — he admitted as much in May — and so therefore, naturally, the “public” has the same attitude.
As far as I can tell, given that Clinton, Edwards, and Obama all lead hypothetical, general-election match-ups against the entire Republican field, it looks like the “public” isn’t convinced at all that the “Oval Office is a place for executive talents.” Broder’s going to have to try harder to explain why the rest of us are so wrong.
For that matter, as Steve M. explained, Broder seems to have to stretch his definitions quite a bit to help make his predetermined conclusions meet reality. Obviously, Romney and Huckabee were chief executives of their respective states. Giuliani was a mayor, but given his responsibilities, that’s not exactly the same thing.
But it’s the McCain argument that seems excessive. McCain has been a lawmaker in Washington for a quarter-century. To borrow Giuliani’s line, McCain has never run a city, or a state, or a business. But that’s fine, Broder asserts, because he led a Navy squadron.
Obviously, McCain’s heroic military service demands respect. That said, Steve M.’s point certainly rings true: “[S]how of hands: How many of you think a relatively short period of commanding a squadron as a young man 40 years ago means that you are now, in your seventies, ‘accustomed to being in charge of large organizations’?”
It’s almost as if Broder wanted to criticize Dems, praise McCain, and throw in some baseless Reagan adulation, whether the facts warranted it or not.