A couple of years ago, [tag]Tom DeLay[/tag] orchestrated a massive re-[tag]redistricting[/tag] scheme in Texas in which state Republican lawmakers, doing DeLay’s bidding, redrew congressional boundaries. The scheme worked and six new [tag]Republicans[/tag] were elected.
Today, the [tag]Supreme Court[/tag] approved nearly the entire thing. Justices agreed that one of the newly-drawn districts, District 23, was illegal because it failed to protect minority voting rights, but as for re-[tag]redistricting[/tag], the high court gave its stamp of approval.
The court ruled 7-2 that state legislators may draw new maps as often as they like — not just once a decade as Texas Democrats claimed. That means Democratic and Republican state lawmakers can push through new maps anytime there is a power shift at a state capital.
The Constitution says states must adjust their congressional district lines every 10 years to account for population shifts. In Texas the boundaries were redrawn twice after the 2000 census, first by a court, then by state lawmakers in a second round promoted by DeLay after Republicans took control. That was acceptable, the justices said.
“We reject the statewide challenge to Texas redistricting as an unconstitutional political gerrymander,” Kennedy wrote.
This very well may turn out to be one of those be-careful-what-you-wish-for moments for the Republican Party.
In recent years, [tag]Democrats[/tag] in DC and at the state level, have played it straight and agreed to abide by approved district lines, even if state power control had shifted since the lines were drawn. Republicans, true to form, have played by different rules, and redrawn district boundaries in Texas and [tag]Georgia[/tag] (they also tried in [tag]Colorado[/tag], though the plan was ultimately rejected in court).
Dems were waiting to see what the Supreme Court said about this practice — and now that the justices have approved mid-decade re-redistricting, the gloves may very well come off.
“If the Supreme Court decides that it’s legal, not doing it would constitute a unilateral surrender,” says Howard Wolfson, a former executive director of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. “Democrats see the necessity of fighting fire with fire.”
If so, expect fires to break out all over the place. In states in which there’s a Dem governor and Dem majorities in the state legislature, districts can conceivably be re-drawn to make it much harder on GOP incumbents. Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Chairman [tag]Rahm Emanuel[/tag] told Roll Call, “There’s going to be places all over the country where people are going to look at it.”
Besides Illinois, Democrats now enjoy executive and legislative control in seven states: [tag]Maine[/tag], [tag]New Mexico[/tag], [tag]New Jersey[/tag], [tag]North Carolina[/tag], [tag]Louisiana[/tag], [tag]Washington[/tag] and [tag]West Virginia[/tag]. The party is poised for similar dominance — with either very winnable gubernatorial races or a few stubborn state legislative seats standing in the way — in [tag]Maryland[/tag], [tag]Massachusetts[/tag], [tag]Rhode Island[/tag], [tag]New York[/tag], and possibly even [tag]Tennessee[/tag] and [tag]Montana[/tag].
Republicans have really left Dems with no other choice. Dems didn’t want a re-redistricting [tag]war[/tag], but there’s simply no way the party can just stand back and watch Republicans gain seats in “red” states without considering the same tactic in “blue” states.
Remember, Republicans, you started this.