The simmering debate between [tag]Howard Dean[/tag]’s [tag]DNC[/tag] and [tag]Rahm Emanuel[/tag]’s [tag]DCCC[/tag] over how best to allocate the party’s resources probably won’t end, at the earliest, until Wednesday, Nov. 8 (the day after the midterms). Emanuel wants to focus limited resources on the most competitive races as part of a drive to win back the House this year. Dean wants to spread resources around as part of a [tag]50-state[/tag] [tag]strategy[/tag] that will help the party in the long term. Emanuel thinks Dean is gambling on long-shots in solidly-red states. Dean thinks Emanuel should look beyond one cycle.
Who’s winning? As of now, Dean isn’t yielding to pressure — and there are signs the investments in the states are paying dividends.
[tag]Mississippi[/tag]’s [tag]Democratic Party[/tag] hasn’t trained precinct captains for more than a decade. Until recently, the state party consisted of a single full-time staffer. In 2004, the Democratic National Committee invested so little here that activists shelled out thousands of their own dollars to print up Kerry yard signs. That all changed last summer. […]
The gambit has remade the Mississippi party with four full-time, DNC-paid staffers and a fundraiser. In four months, finance director Wendi Hooks has tripled the number of $1,000-plus donors to 24 and expects to more than double the party’s budget this year, to $400,000. Two field representatives have recruited captains in more than 500 precincts so far, along with volunteers for phone banks and canvassing. “I’ve been trying to contact the party since I moved back here in 1992,” says Harold Terry, 43, a Jackson native who volunteered last week at a phone bank. “Someone finally got back to me three weeks ago.”
The new DNC hires tell similar stories. Rita Royals is a 57-year-old former rape crisis counselor who paid to print her own Kerry signs in 2004. That same year, DeMiktric Biggs, a student at Jackson State University, sent a county-by-county voter analysis to almost everyone on the state Democratic committee–and never got a reply. Now, the party is using his work to plan its ground game.
Anecdotes like these keep coming up. While it may have been easy several months ago to dismiss isolated incidents about red-state Dems who were just happy to get some attention for a change, the broader trend is hard to ignore.
It’s not just Mississippi where Dems have a new-found sense of excitement. Also consider [tag]Arizona[/tag], one of the nation’s fastest-growing states.
In Arizona, Republicans are three seats away from veto proof majorities in the state House and Senate. The state Democratic Party there has used its DNC field organizers to do aggressive outreach to American Indians and Hispanics, particularly during the huge immigrant rights protests earlier this year. “The DNC has enabled us to become part of the fabric of these communities,” says Arizona party chair David Waid. “There used to be this sense of coming around only when we wanted your vote.” […]
In Arizona, Democrats have candidates in every legislative district for the first time in a decade. “Successful candidates for Congress come from winning offices at the county or municipal level,” says Arizona’s Waid. “We build that farm team, and it enhances our chances for taking back [tag]Congress[/tag].”
For that matter, the Boston Globe recently reported similar perspectives from states like New Mexico, West Virginia, and Ohio, all of which backed Bush in 2004, but all of which are showing signs of Democratic life again this year, and are being cultivated for future years. As the Globe noted, “[T]he DNC’s new employees are building voter lists, organizing county-level Democratic caucuses, and installing precinct chairmen in rural portions of the state that have voted overwhelmingly Republican in national campaigns.”
Dean is taking a big gamble, but it’s not as if the strategy from recent years was working. People have been talking about DNC infrastructure for a long time, but Dean is executing a well-crafted strategy. I’m cautiously optimistic.