The op-ed of the day, and in this case that’s not a complement, comes by way of former principal deputy assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs Liz Cheney. You might be familiar with her father.
Now, Cheney’s Washington Post piece has been widely trashed. Josh Marshall says is reads like it was “written by someone in junior high.” Kevin Drum said it “sounded like…a parody of a conservative blog site circa late 2002.” Jason Zengerle labels the piece “Hannity-esque” and praises it for touching “all the wing-nutty bases…in a mere 800 words.”
Is the op-ed really that bad? I’m afraid so.
There’s no real point in pointing out every flaw in the piece — one could go line by line, but it’s nothing you haven’t heard before — but there was one paragraph in particular that stood out for me.
We are fighting the war on terrorism with allies across the globe, leaders such as Hamid Karzai in Afghanistan and Pervez Musharraf in Pakistan. Brave activists are also standing with us, fighting for freedom of speech, freedom of religion, the empowerment of women. They risk their lives every day to defeat the forces of terrorism. They can’t win without us, and many of them won’t continue to fight if they believe we’re abandoning them. Politicians urging America to quit in Iraq should explain how we win the war on terrorism once we’ve scared all of our allies away.
It’s hard to know where to start, but my first thought it, “What allies?” Who, exactly, are we going to “scare away” if we redeploy troops from Iraq? Musharraf isn’t exactly a model ally and champion of democracy (Pakistan is alleged to be helping a resurgent Taliban), and he’s been opposed the war in Iraq from the start. Karzai would probably be thrilled if we redeployed from Iraq and started taking Afghanistan seriously again. Even Maliki wants fewer U.S. troops. Where are these “allies” who are so anxious to see us stay?
Honestly, I’ve seen some pretty incoherent right-wing blogs making better arguments than Cheney’s. Did the White House sign off on this before it made it to print? Was the Communications Department staff afraid to upset Cheney by improving his daughter’s piece?
And as long as we’re on the subject, now is probably a good time to consider how Liz Cheney became principal deputy assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern in the first place. Robert Dreyfuss explained in a terrific piece a few months ago.
At the very heart of U.S. Middle East policy, from the war in Iraq to pressure for regime change in Iran and Syria to the spread of free-market democracy in the region, sits the 39-year-old daughter of Vice President Dick Cheney. Elizabeth “Liz” Cheney, appointed to her post in February 2005, has a tongue-twisting title: principal deputy assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern Affairs and coordinator for broader Middle East and North Africa initiatives. By all accounts, it is an enormously powerful post, and one for which she is uniquely unqualified.
During the past 15 months, Elizabeth Cheney has met with and bolstered a gaggle of Syrian exiles, often in tandem with John Hannah and David Wurmser, top officials in the Office of the Vice President (OVP); has pressed hard for money to accelerate the administration’s ever more overt campaign for forced regime change in both Damascus and Teheran; and has overseen an increasingly discredited push for American-inspired democratic reform from Morocco to Iran. With the unspoken support of her father, Cheney has kept a hawk’s eye on Iraq policy within the department, intimidating opponents of the neoconservative axis within the administration. And, less visibly, according to former officials who’ve worked with her, she has made her influence felt in choosing officials, selecting (or blocking) the appointment of ambassadors and other foreign service officers, and weighing in on other bureaucratic battles at the department.
Now, according to the Financial Times of London, Cheney is coordinating the work of a new entity called the Iran-Syria Operations Group. The unit was established “to plot a more aggressive democracy promotion strategy for those two ‘rogue’ states,” reported the Times. In February, the State Department announced that Cheney would oversee a $5 million program to “accelerate the work of reformers in Syria,” providing grants of up to $1 million each to Syrian dissidents. And in the current fiscal year, she will oversee a similar, $7 million regime-change grant program for Iran, though funding for that effort is expected to grow to at least $85 million soon, to include both a propaganda program and support to Iranian opposition groups.
Marina Ottaway, senior associate and co-director of the Democracy and Rule of Law Project at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, worked with Liz Cheney on democratic reform issues and quickly discovered she knew “very little about the Middle East.” Ottaway explained, “She had a mandate to do democracy promotion, but she had very little familiarity with the subject…. They deliberately picked a person who was not a Middle East specialist, so that the conventional wisdom, well, let me rephrase, so that real, actual knowledge of the issues in the region wouldn’t interfere with policy.”
Alas, Cheney’s “real, actual knowledge” hasn’t improved since.