The White House seemed quite pleased with itself. After weeks of private arm-twisting and public demagoguery, the Bush gang appeared to get exactly what it wanted on Monday: the complete absence of any anti-escalation resolutions in the Senate. Newsweek highlighted the president’s “notable triumph,” and said Bush “found a way to win, or at least a way not to lose, a crucial showdown on Iraq.”
But as Josh Marshall said, “If there’s no ancient proverb stating that the victories of wounded and unpopular presidents don’t last long, then there should be.”
Yesterday, some of the same Republican senators who, in the name of party unity, went along with a GOP filibuster on Monday, changed their minds.
Senate Republicans who earlier this week helped block deliberations on a resolution opposing President Bush’s new troop deployments in Iraq changed course yesterday and vowed to use every tactic at their disposal to ensure a full and open debate.
In a letter distributed yesterday evening to Senate leaders, John W. Warner (Va.), Chuck Hagel (Neb.) and five other GOP supporters of the resolution threatened to attach their measure to any bill sent to the floor in the coming weeks. Noting that the war is the “most pressing issue of our time,” the senators declared: “We will explore all of our options under the Senate procedures and practices to ensure a full and open debate.”
So, what happened to spur the change of heart? It’s hard to say for sure, but I think it has something to do with a public relations gamble, which the Republicans lost.
Bob Novak explained the dynamic fairly well.
Listening to Minority Leader Mitch McConnell boast last weekend that he had the votes to prevent closing off Senate debate on Iraq, Republicans opposing President Bush’s troop surge feared the worst. The new Republican leader sounded as though he wanted to prevent passage of an anti-surge resolution at the cost of making his party look obstructionist. That’s exactly what happened.
The result of McConnell’s tactics is that no resolution will be passed by the Senate anytime soon. The White House was overjoyed. But Tuesday’s headlines indicated a public relations fiasco for Republicans: ” GOP Stalls Debate on Troop Increase” (The Post), ” In Senate, GOP Blocks a Debate Over Iraq Policy” (New York Times), ” Vote on Iraq is blocked by GOP” (USA Today). Considering that outcome after a tactical victory, the Republicans might have been better off with a strategic defeat.
McConnell and the Senate GOP wanted to shut down debate on the war resolutions without looking like they were shutting down debate on the war resolutions. That didn’t work — Republicans ended up looking like obstructionists, voting against debate on some of their own resolutions.
As yesterday’s letter from the seven GOP war critics (Coleman, Collins, Hagel, Snowe, Smith, Warner, and Voinovich) said, “Monday’s procedural vote should not be interpreted as any lessening of our resolve to go forward advocating the concepts [of the resolution]…. The current stalemate is unacceptable to us and to the people of this country.”
At a certain level, these seven are playing an annoying game. They put politics ahead of policy on Monday, only to realize on Wednesday that they had it backwards. Still, their change of heart is better late than never.
Stay tuned.