It’s making the rounds, but Tom Edsall’s WaPo piece on the role of lobbyists in the GOP machine is definitely worth reading. It dovetails nicely with the seminal pieces on the K Street Project, but further highlights the fact that the distinction between lawmaker and lobbyist over the past few years has all but disappeared. As one insider explained, it’s “barbarians at the gate,” in which there’s a “we are one, you are us” relationship between the Hill and the lobbying industry.
Although the excesses of Jack Abramoff have captured the news, a wide range of other practices — rarely publicized and fully legal — reflect the steady dismantling of the wall between lobbyists and members of the House and Senate.
Fallout from the Abramoff scandal is likely for a time to chill certain aspects of the capital culture, in which access to power on Capitol Hill is lubricated by lobbyist-funded meals, travel and campaign contributions, according to congressional veterans of both parties. But some public interest advocates believe the relationships between lobbyists and politicians have become so institutionalized in recent years that fundamental change is unlikely, absent changes in the law.
The article noted a significant controversy in 1987 in which then-Sen. Lloyd Bentsen (D-Tex.), chairman of the Finance Committee, hosted a “breakfast club” for lobbyists who donated $10,000 to his campaign committee. Embarrassed by the appearance of impropriety, Bentsen ended the breakfasts and acknowledged that his error of judgment had been “a doozy.” In retrospect, the flap is almost quaint compared to the stunts current lawmakers pull.
When did lawmakers give up on shame? When Newt & Co. created the K Street Project in the first place.
The pivotal point in Washington’s changing culture, according to lobbyists and congressional ethics analysts, came in 1995, shortly after Newt Gingrich and his “Republican Revolutionaries” roared to power in the 1994 midterm elections. Tom DeLay, the new majority whip, and his allies began the “K Street Project” — the pressuring of trade associations and lobbying firms to hire Republican, and to contribute to Republican campaigns if they wanted access to key leaders and committee chairmen in the House.
“We’re just following the old adage of punish your enemies and reward your friends. We don’t like to deal with people who are trying to kill the revolution. We know who they are,” DeLay told The Washington Post.
Keep in mind, all of this is legal. None of it is hidden from public view in dark rooms with cigars — it’s out in the open. The GOP majority has effectively made corporate lobbyists part of the legislative branch, and they feel no need to hide it.
* Since 1998, lobbyists have served as treasurers of 79 lawmakers’ campaign committees and leadership PACs, according to the Center for Public Integrity. These committees often pay for senators and House members to enjoy such fundraising events as golfing in Palm Springs, Calif., and fishing tournaments off the Florida Keys — outings at which the lobbyists will also be prominently in attendance.
* Major trade associations have bought Capitol Hill townhouses for fundraisers so that lawmakers can quickly go back to cast votes and then return to the event.
* At election time, many lobbyists put on a new hat and become political consultants, guiding incumbents to reelection. Afterward these lobbyists return to their traditional roles, being able now to ask for votes from those they helped put in office.
L. Sandy Maisel, director of the Goldfarb Center for Public Affairs and Civic Engagement at Colby College, said, “Congress as an institution now defines as ethical actions that would be derided elsewhere in society.” That’s true — what would typical voters say if they knew what their representatives were up to?