Part of the Dems’ message problem, it seems to me, is the too-many-balls-in-the-air problem. The party believes it needs to keep the focus on Bush’s warrantless-search program. And Abramoff. And Medicare. While also articulating a clear national security message. And a vision for how a Dem-run Congress would operate. If Dems narrow the focus to one or two controversies, they’re leaving out key political targets. If Dems emphasize everything, they have a muddled message. It’s tricky.
With all of these targets, it’s sometimes hard to adapt and switch gears when something new comes to the fore. But when it comes to Bush’s Health Savings Accounts, Dems need to be ready to pounce. The president’s plan is a gift. It’s a slow, hanging curve, right over the middle of the plate.
The accounts are seen by proponents as part of a larger effort to create an “ownership society” in which financial responsibility for retirement and health care costs shifts more to individuals and away from government and employers.
Proponents, who include some of Bush’s economic advisers, say the system of spending accounts paired with high-deductible policies will make people more judicious users of medical care because they will have to pay a greater portion of the costs themselves.
Critics say many Americans are already struggling to pay for health care, so promoting higher-deductible polices will leave the poor and the chronically ill in worse shape. Critics, who include the Commonwealth Fund and Consumers Union, also fear the accounts will attract mostly healthy people, leaving sicker and more expensive patients in traditional insurance, whose costs will then rise. Overall, they say, the accounts won’t save the nation money on health care.
This has been compared to Bush’s Social Security privatizations scheme, but the reality is this is worse. And an even bigger political opportunity for Dems. Consider this gem from a recent LA Times article:
Most conservatives — including those in the administration — believe that the root cause of most problems with the nation’s healthcare system is that most Americans are over-insured.
As Josh Marshall noted over the weekend, Dems simply need to repeat what their opponents are saying amongst themselves.
[T]he core premise of the policies the president is about to lay out is that Americans are over-insured when it comes to health insurance. Over-insured. Got too much insurance. […]
So the president thinks the problem is that people have too much health insurance. People are over-insured. I don’t think that’s how most Americans see the problem, do you? I’m confident that they don’t. Really confident. But let’s let them decide.
Indeed, we should let them do just that — while using this issue as a political cudgel in a campaign year against anyone willing to embrace the president’s plan.
The New York Times had a good item over the weekend explaining a bit about Bush’s approach, particularly with HSAs.
Where Mr. Clinton favored a larger role for government, Mr. Bush has a fundamentally different philosophy, built on the idea that placing more responsibility in the hands of individuals will create market pressure to hold down costs.
The long-running debate has taken on new urgency as more and more companies find themselves struggling to pay for employee health benefits. Health care costs have been a big factor in the troubles of the domestic auto industry, among others.
But some policy experts, Republicans and Democrats alike, say the Bush proposals, which are built around tax breaks, may further drive up health spending and costs by fueling the demand for health care.
It’s all about shifting burdens. The president — who believes you have too much health insurance — believes more burden should be on you. You know all of those useless medical exams your pesky doctor keeps recommending for no good reason? When you’re paying for them, you won’t want them. Problem solved!
The fact-huggers point out that there’s no real proof that Bush’s plan will expand access for anyone, or do anything to control health care costs, but that’s not the real flaw. The real problem is political — anyone who hears about this plan for 30 seconds will know they don’t want it.
Ezra recently summarized the deal in a nutshell.
Conservatives believe Americans have too much health insurance, that they spend heedlessly and wastefully on care, procedures, and medications they would simply forego if insurance plans didn’t pick up the tab. Ergo, HSA’s, which end risk pooling, forcing care to come directly from pockets. Newly responsible for their medical bills, consumers will be spurred by the Magic of the Market to make smarter decisions, show more prudence, lead healthier lifestyles, smile more often, and smell springtime fresh. It’s gonna be awesome.
At least if you’re healthy. Because what HSA’s really do is separate the young from the old, the well from the sick. Currently, insurance operates off of the concept of risk pooling. Since health costs tend to be unpredictable and illness isn’t thought a moral failing, we all pay a bit more than we expect to use in order to subsidize those who end up needing much more than they ever thought possible. The well subsidize the sick, the young subsidize the old, and we all accept the arrangement because one day we will be old, and one day we will be sick, and no one wants to shoulder that alone.
But HSA’s slice right through this intergenerational, redistributionist arrangement: they’re a great deal for young, healthy folks because they don’t force subsidization. Just don’t get sick. And if you’re already sick, don’t think you can hide by remaining in traditional insurance plans: when the healthy rush towards HSA’s, older plans will hold only the ill, and insurance companies will send premiums skyrocketing to recoup the difference.
The president is sincerely going to tout this approach, in public, in the State of the Union. It’s almost as if he doesn’t want anyone to vote Republican anymore.
I don’t care how many issues are on the front burner right now — if Dems don’t hit this hanging curve over the fence, they don’t deserve to be in the majority.