Just when it seemed the congressional wrangling over the Patriot Act couldn’t get any worse, lawmakers managed to find a way.
It seemed like everyone on the Hill had figured out how to save face and keep the law going. After a filibuster stopped the Patriot Act from being renewed, Senate Dems wanted a three-month extension to keep the law alive while lawmakers debate concerns over civil liberties. Senate Republicans were willing to accept a 12-month extension. Arlen Specter brokered a deal for a six-month extension; Bush flip-flopped and said it was a great idea; and there was much rejoicing. All the House had to do was go along with the Senate compromise and everyone could go home for the holidays.
That didn’t quite work out as planned.
In a frantic finish before adjourning for the year, Congress extended on Thursday the broad antiterrorism bill known as the USA Patriot Act by five weeks after the Republican chairman of the House Judiciary Committee balked at a longer extension.
The deal, approved by voice vote in sparsely attended sessions in the House and Senate, averts the expiration of the 16 major provisions of the original law on Dec. 31. It was the final twist in a six-day game of brinksmanship between President Bush and Senate Democrats who, joined by a handful of Republicans, had blocked a bill to make permanent the original law.
But the deal fell far short of President Bush’s aim of permanently extending the original law, which expanded the government’s investigative powers after the attacks on Sept. 11, 2001. The extension also set the stage for a clash over civil liberties and national security when lawmakers return here early next year.
At first blush, this seems counterintuitive. Senate Republicans and the Bush White House wanted a longer extension, keeping the law in place for at least six months. Why did House Judiciary Committee Chairman F. James Sensenbrenner (R-Wis.) balk at the deal most Republicans wanted and move the extension closer to what Democrats asked for? There are a couple of possibilities.
Sen. Russ Feingold (D-Wis.), Congress’ most assertive Patriot Act critic, thinks Republicans will use a shorter extension to get more of what they want when lawmakers reconvene.
With a shorter extension, the overly broad parts of the current Patriot Act, will be in effect for less time, and as many have pointed out here today, that would be a good thing. However, the House Republican leadership and the President should not make the mistake of thinking that a shorter extension will make it possible to jam the unacceptable conference report through the Congress. I will fight against that as hard in January as I did in November and December – And our bipartisan coalition has come too far, and survived too many attacks, not to hang together.
That sounds compelling, but I think the House had something else in mind — namely, the calendar. Michael Froomkin saw this the same way.
See, six months from expiration brings us to June, which uncomfortably close to the next congressional election. The GOP doesn’t want hard questions being asked about ‘why did you vote to spy on me, Congressman’. But the House dems don’t want attacks about ‘why did you vote against catching terrorists’ or the like. So both parties in the House have decided it’s in their self-interest to get this over with as fast as possible.
That sounds right to me. Indeed, Sensenbrenner hinted in this direction when he said, “[The Senate] came pretty close to wrecking everybody’s Christmas. I didn’t want to put the entire Congress in the position of them wrecking everybody’s Independence Day.”
The Senate debate was about how long to keep the law in tact — Republicans wanted the Patriot Act endure as is as long as possible, Dems want changes. The House, expecting a tough midterm election cycle, looked at the debate and saw no upside to doing all of this again a few months before voters head to the polls.