Last week, TNR’s [tag]Ryan Lizza[/tag] caused quite a stir with a devastating article on Sen. [tag]George Allen[/tag] (R-Va.), whose disconcerting background on racial issues — and odd affinity for the [tag]Confederacy[/tag] — made for a series of embarrassing questions for the presidential hopeful.
Allen and his allies have fought back against the Lizza article, accusing the writer of trying to “smear” the senator, almost immediately after it was published. This week, Lizza responds by exploring Allen’s fixation with the Confederacy in even more detail.
For example, Allen told Lizza that he removed the Confederate [tag]flag[/tag] from his home in 1992, but in 1993, the flag appeared “in the very first ad that Allen broadcast in 1993, when he ran for governor.” It adds a certain salience to Lizza’s observations — if Allen had just latched onto these cultural icons as a rebellious teenager, it’s merely embarrassing. But the point is, Allen was still embracing the Confederate flag as a gubernatorial candidate and continues to either display the flag to express approval of the emblem as recently as 2000.
Perhaps the most important point, however, is what all of this means to Allen, the likely GOP presidential candidate, now.
On the right, a debate is now brewing about what Allen’s four-decade embrace of the Confederate flag means for his presidential ambitions. Some are bothered by the revelations. At the influential conservative website Redstate.com, the blogger TheCollegian, who volunteered for Allen in 1993, writes, “George Allen did not simply adopt an affection for the South, but the South at a certain time: a time when it was fighting to keep slavery legal. Even this would be ok if he had some family tie to the region at that time, but he doesn’t. I find that to be disturbing.”
But there’s a second view. It is best expressed to me by [Greg [tag]Stevens[/tag], Allen’s 1993 media consultant], now a consultant to John [tag]McCain[/tag]. He argues strenuously that I should not write a piece about Allen and the Confederate flag. He says it would be unfair to Allen. But, when I explain Allen’s record on the issue, he makes another argument that has nothing to do with fairness, and I figure out why he is so forceful.
“Well, you also realize you’re getting him votes for the primary, right?” Stevens says, alluding to key states in the South. He raises his voice to a shout: “You’re getting him votes! Big time!”
Maybe Stevens was kidding, maybe not. But the fact that it’s plausible that Allen would garner additional support from Republicans in the South because, not in spite of, his affinity for the Confederacy, is telling.