I’m a little surprised conservatives are all excited this morning about a CNN interview yesterday with Sens. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) and Bob Casey (D-Pa.). It looks like the AP has led the right to the wrong conclusion.
One senator said U.S. troops are routing out al-Qaida in parts of Iraq. Another insisted President Bush’s plan to increase troops has caused tactical momentum.
One even went so far on Wednesday as to say the argument could be made that U.S. troops are winning.
These are not Bush-backing GOP die-hards, but Democratic Sens. Dick Durbin, Bob Casey and Jack Reed. Even Sen. Carl Levin, chairman of the Senate Armed Services committee, said progress was being made by soldiers.
The suggestions by them and other Democrats in recent days that at least a portion of Bush’s strategy in Iraq is working is somewhat surprising, considering the bitter exchanges on Capitol Hill between the Democratic majority and Republicans and Bush. Democrats have long said Bush’s policies have been nothing more than a complete failure.
The right hears all of this and says, “A ha! We were right all along!” It’s a bit like Stephen Colbert’s habit of saying, “I accept your apology” after his guest reaches some point of agreement with him.
Look, this isn’t complicated. Durbin and Reed, who went to Baghdad at the start of the August recess, said they saw, first-hand, that U.S. troops are going into some areas of Iraq and routing enemy forces. Of course they are; our military is exponentially stronger and better than anything Iraq can throw at them.
But the AP report, and the conservatives who were overjoyed by it, continues to miss the point. U.S. forces can succeed in practically every military confrontation they face in Iraq and the president’s policy can still be a failure.
You can watch the Durbin/Casey interview on CNN for yourself, but the anchor seems equally confused about the broader dynamic. Here’s the relevant portion from the transcript:
ROBERTS: Let me back up there. You said you did see military progress?
DURBIN: What we find is that the surge has troops going into areas, where for 4 1/2 years we have not seen our military in action. Naturally, they are routing out the al Qaeda in those areas. That’s a good thing but there is no evidence of the government of Iraq in these areas. There are no Iraqi policemen, no Iraqi soldiers, these are Americans .
ROBERTS: I understand all of that. Everybody in the Democratic Party is saying the surge has failed.
Senator Casey, do you agree with your colleague there are some signs of military progress here?
CASEY: Sure, there are, John. We have said in the beginning, our troops are doing their job. The problem is the president of the United States continues to insist on stay the course policy, no change in direction, no sense the American people can determine there’s a light at the end of the tunnel. That’s why I think there’s a bipartisan agreement right now to change the course. I think the president should listen to the will of the American people.
This need not be complicated. The point of the so-called “surge” was to pave the way for political progress, which is what Iraq needs more than anything. Nearly eight months after the policy began, there’s been no political progress at all. Indeed, Iraq, politically, has gone backwards.
As Philip Carter, an Iraq war veteran, recently explained, successful military battles don’t reflect a successful policy.
Today, in Iraq, we face a similar conundrum. Our vaunted military has won every battle against insurgents and militias—from the march up to the “thunder runs” that took Baghdad; the assaults on Fallujah to the battles for Sadr City. And yet we still find ourselves stuck in the sands of Mesopotamia. In a New York Times op-ed published Monday, Brookings Institution scholars Michael O’Hanlon and Kenneth Pollack argue that “[w]e are finally getting somewhere in Iraq, at least in military terms.” They go on to describe the myriad ways the surge is succeeding on the security front.
But in emphasizing this aspect of current operations, they downplay the more critical questions relating to political progress and the ability of Iraq’s national government to actually govern. Security is not an end in itself. It is just one component, albeit an important one, of a comprehensive counterinsurgency strategy. Unless it is paired with a successful political strategy that consolidates military gains and translates increased security into support from the Iraqi people, these security improvements will, over time, be irrelevant.
That conservatives and journalists still seem confused about this is disconcerting.