Feingold, Reid raise the stakes

The showdown over war funding between Congress and the White House is already ugly. Dems have passed a spending bill with a withdrawal timeline, while Bush prefers an open-ended commitment to fighting in Iraq’s civil war indefinitely. Because lawmakers refused to go along with the president’s demand for condition-free money, a veto is now all but inevitable.

The question, at that point, will be what congressional Dems plan to do about it. Sen. [tag]Russ Feingold[/tag] (D-Wis.) announced this morning that he and Senate Majority Leader [tag]Harry Reid[/tag] (D-Nev.) will unveil a measure when the Senate reconvenes next week that the White House really isn’t going to like.

Our bill would require the president to begin safely redeploying U.S. troops out of Iraq in 120 days, with redeployment to be completed by March 31, 2008. After March, funding for the war in Iraq would be cut off, with three narrow exceptions — targeted counterterrorism operations, protection of U.S. personnel and infrastructure, and training and equipping Iraqi forces. In other words, the current military mission in Iraq would be effectively ended. Sen. Reid has said he will work to make sure the Senate votes on our bill by the end of May.

Since President Bush has made it painfully clear that he has no intention of fixing his failed Iraq policy, it is no longer a question of if Congress will end this war; it is a question of when. […]

[T]oday some wrongly suggest that ending funding for the Iraq war is tantamount to ending funding for the troops. That misleading argument makes it harder to have the thoughtful, responsible debate about the war that Congress and the American people so badly need. Now is no time for phony arguments against ending funding for the Iraq war.

Feingold anticipates all of the arguments the right has already begun using, but reminds them that his measure is patterned after a similar measure that won bipartisan support in 1993 for cutting off funds for military operations in Somalia.

Today, some supporters of the Iraq war suggest falsely that efforts to cut funding for the war are a threat to our troops in the field. But in 1993, senators overwhelmingly supported successful efforts to cut off funding for a flawed military mission. Defenders of the Iraq war pretend that cutting off funds for the war is the same as cutting off funds for the troops, and raise the specter of troops being left on the battlefield without the training, equipment and resources they need. Every member of Congress agrees that we must continue to support our troops and give them the resources and support they need. And every member of Congress should know that we can do that while at the same time ending funding for a failed military mission. That was clearly understood in October 1993, when 76 senators voted for an amendment, offered by Sen. Robert Byrd of West Virginia, to end funding for the military mission in Somalia effective March 31, 1994, with limited exceptions.

None of those 76 senators, who include the current Republican leader and whip, acted to jeopardize the safety and security of U.S. troops in Somalia. All of them recognized that Congress had the power and the responsibility to bring our military operations in Somalia to a close, by establishing a date after which funds would be terminated.

The same day that the Senate voted on the Byrd amendment, 38 senators — myself included — supported an even stronger effort to end funding for Somalia operations. The amendment offered by Sen. John McCain on Oct. 15, 1993, would have eliminated funding for operations in Somalia immediately, except for funds for withdrawing troops or for continuing operations if any American POWs/MIAs were not accounted for. The mostly Republican senators who supported the McCain amendment were not disregarding the safety of our troops, or being indifferent to their need for guns, ammunition, food and clothing. They were supporting an appropriate, safe, responsible proposal to use Congress’ power of the purse to bring an ill-conceived military mission to a close without in any way harming our troops.

Then as now, by setting a date after which funding for a military mission will be terminated, Congress can safely bring our troops out of harm’s way. As Sen. Orrin Hatch said at the time, “The McCain amendment provides the president with the flexibility needed to bring our forces home with honor and without endangering the safety of American troops.”

Yes, Iraq and Somalia are different conflicts, and if war supporters want to argue that withdrawal would bring dangerous consequences, we can have a debate on the merits.

But Feingold is right; Republicans don’t get to have it both ways. In 1993, they voted to cut off funding for a foreign military conflict while troops were still in harm’s way. They don’t get to complain or question Dems’ patriotism when their rivals do the same thing 14 years later.

Your move, Karl.

What’s to keep Bush from attaching a signing statement that says he’ll take the dough but ignore the deadline, essentially kicking the ball downfield?

  • targeted counterterrorism operations, protection of U.S. personnel and infrastructure, and training and equipping Iraqi forces. In other words, the current military mission in Iraq would be effectively ended.

    Another way to look at this is to say the damn mission will finally receive a meaningful definition instead of gibberish about “honouring sacrifices” along with some concrete goals instead of taglines like “stay the course.”

    Fancy that.

    Defenders of the Iraq war…raise the specter of troops being left on the battlefield without the training, equipment and resources they need.

    Did anyone elses Sarcasm-Meter just blow up?

    Mr. Feingold doesn’ just give ’em hell, he gives ’em history and hopefully pushes the BushBrat a bit closer to Full Frontal Meltdown.

    Popcorn?

  • Finally – this will end the cry by the GOP of “if the Dems really believe this is a failed policy, they will vote to cut off funding for it;” now the hurdle will be keeping the party united on this, to avoid the “Dems in disarray” charge.

    Feingold has been saying for a long time that Congress needed to exercise the power of the purse, and I’m glad to see it being proposed in such a thoughful way.

    I’m sure for the GOP, the Iraq war will be characterized as “different” from what was happening in Somalia – they never seem to worry about being hypocrtical and fashioning their own reality, so this will not prevent them from taking hypocrisy to new heights.

    This is going to take extreme discipline on the part of the Demcratic caucus, and I hope they are up to the challenge.

  • It always amazes me how politicians can defend both sides of the issue.

    I hope Feingold succeeds in making the ‘Publicans look like the hypocrits that they are.

  • I’ve wondered about those sneaky signing statements, too, Beep52. Anyone out there have an answer? And if he does append one to the new legislation, effectlvely saying that there are lots of nice words in the bill but he doesn’t have to abide by them, since he’s the Decider and knows what’s best, what do we do? I’d really like to know.

  • beep52, that’s an interesting question. I suspect that war funding would be way too high profile for a signing statement, and then acting on that signing statement. The practice of signing statements has been underreported (according to Froomkin, anyway). That would change in a big way if Bubble Boy were to try what you are suggesting.

  • “…After March, funding for the war in Iraq would be cut off, with three narrow exceptions — targeted counterterrorism operations, protection of U.S. personnel and infrastructure, and training and equipping Iraqi forces.”

    Those don’t look like “narrow exceptions” to me. It looks like pretty much everything we are doing there militarily could be classified as one of those things.

  • “And if he does append one to the new legislation, effectlvely saying that there are lots of nice words in the bill but he doesn’t have to abide by them, since he’s the Decider and knows what’s best, what do we do? I’d really like to know.”

    The only thing that can be done is for Congress to then take the matter to the courts for enforcement.

  • Bubble Boy has, for the last six years, consitstently done exactly what he wants to do, whether the people of this country support his actions or not. He really doesn’t care. Would there be a hullabaloo if he added a signing statement to the bill withdrawing troops on a timetable? Sure. Would it make an appreciable difference? No. It would merely add another constitutional quagmire to the long, already existing list for lawmakers to wade into, wasting time and lives. And while they waded, he’d just move on. Lame Man, you could be right — I’d like to think you are — but Bush has set a terrible precedent.

  • Republicans have always operated on “we make the rules and apply them to you, not us.”

    These wannabe-fascist sissies need to be knocked down and kicked in their gut. I’d say kicked between the legs, but with them it’s certain there’s nothing valuable there.

  • I’m with Frak @ #7…

    If those are “narrow exceptions”, I’d hate to see what the broad ones are.

    But the other interesting thing is the 120 day stipulation – apparently the Congressional GOP will support the surge till August at the very latest, and if it isn’t working by then, they’ll all make a dash for the exit.

    So 120 days… assuming it is voted on in the next month, I make that until some time in August… coincidenk, much?

  • I don’t think a signing statement will pull Queen George-toria’s fat out of the fire this time. Legislation that seta a condition—a “we-do-this-if-you-do-that” scenario—sets a prerequisite. If QG doesn’t meet the prerequisite, he doesn’t get the cash

    The signing statement, I think, works like this. Congress passes a Bill; it becomes “Law” after the President signs it. But I think there’s a period of time between the actual signing of the bill, and its enactment—to allow for the “scribes” (the bureaucracy) to write the details of the thing out. It’s during that transition period that these “signing statements” show up.

    If that’s the case, then the money won’t be there when the signing statement is attached to the bill. No signing statement = money; signing statement = “no dough….”

  • So what is the right move when BG2 vetos the supplemental funding bill.

    Pass the same damn bill and send it to him again. Who cares about an override of his veto. He’s the one who needs the money to continue his failed policies. We only need 218 and 51 votes to send it back to him.

    Feingold is amusing, and I would agree this is the thing to do. But I don’t think it’s going to pass.

  • God DAMMIT I love Feingold. He was the only person in Washington willing to stand up for our civil liberties and he did it eloquently and forcefully in a way that helped to define the Left’s position. May his efforts be more successful here.

  • I think the days of the signing statements went out the door with the last Congress. They relied on the repub majority blindly allowing King GeorgetheDeciderer to do whatever he felt like.

    Personally, I’d like to see the Dems seriously up the ante and tell Bush, “You have your bill. Sign it, or start bringing the troops home tomorrow. We will not be reconsidering this legislation for the next 6 months.”

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