The Washington Post’s Dan Balz ponders seven key questions in the presidential race, and coming in at #6 is, “Do ideas matter in this election?”
Joe Lieberman aide Dan Gerstein comes up with the single most Broderesque response imaginable.
Dan Gerstein, a centrist Democrat and strategist, said: “The reality is both parties are brain-dead — they have no new big ideas to deal with the challenges we face today. Which is why I continue to believe that there is an opening for an independent, reform-oriented campaign to run against politics as usual and on a solutions-driven message.”
It’s hard to overstate how difficult it is to take this kind of analysis seriously. Listen to the standard stump speech of any of the leading Democratic presidential hopefuls, and you’ll be inundated with ideas — some of them big (healthcare, Iraq, an overhaul of U.S. foreign policy), some of them new (energy policy, combating global warming), and some of them old that haven’t gotten the attention they deserve (poverty, domestic security, education, trade, taxes). And it’s not just the politicians — progressive think tanks sympathetic to Democrats (Center for American Progress, among others) are teeming with detailed policy proposals on every issue under the sun.
I’ll gladly concede that the Republicans’ vision of the future is considerably thinner, and that the big, new ideas they are offering — war with Iran, privatizing Social Security, privatizing public schools — are awful. But for anyone to suggest that Dems are “brain-dead” is silly — they’re itching to implement a sweeping new policy agenda and are fighting for the power to implement it.
For that matter, this Unity08-like notion that a third party will swoop in to save us with a “solutions-driven message” is equally inane.
But just as importantly, Gerstein seems to buy into the notion that campaigns are driven by the power of big, new ideas. Way back in 2005, Jonathan Chait explained why this just isn’t the case.
The central assumption is that politics revolves around issues and ideas–rather than things like personality, tactics, and outside circumstances–and that the party that wins is the one that presents a more compelling vision of the future. […]
Alas, this sort of thinking assumes a wildly optimistic level of discernment by voters. Polls consistently show that large swaths of the voting public know very little about the positions taken by candidates. In 2000, the National Annenberg Election Survey found that just 57 percent of voters knew Al Gore was more liberal than Bush, 51 percent knew he was more supportive of gun control, and a mere 46 percent understood that he was more supportive of abortion rights. “The voting behavior literature, which is massive, shows that people are not particularly idea-driven,” explains Berkeley political scientist Nelson Polsby. “They don’t know what the fashions are, with respect to what ideas go with other ideas.”
Gerstein’s analysis seems custom made to please the editorial board of the Washington Post, but that doesn’t make it true.