After three and a half years in Iraq, violence in Baghdad has now reached an “all-time high.”
The number of sectarian killings each month in Baghdad has more than tripled since February, and the violence has not slowed despite a major offensive in the capital.
Death squads killed 1,450 people in September, up from 450 in February, according to U.S. military statistics. In the first 10 days of October, death squads have killed about 770 Iraqis.
The increase in death squad killings reflects the level of religious warfare that is now the largest threat to security in Iraq.
Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, a military spokesman, acknowledged violence in Baghdad is at an “all-time high” and said U.S. commanders, in coordination with their Iraqi counterparts, are continuing to adjust the security plan to try to reduce the violence.
In the worst months this year, sectarian killings averaged about 47 a day, according to the military statistics. So far this month, sectarian assassinations have claimed an average of 77 lives a day.
What’s more, in a seven-day period last week, U.S. troops in northwest Baghdad investigated 40 sectarian killings and collected 57 bodies, many of them mutilated or bearing signs of torture. I guess we’re lucky Iraqis are willing to “tolerate” all of this violence.
At this point, even the most patient observers are running out of Friedmans.
A commission formed to assess the Iraq war and recommend a new course has ruled out the prospect of victory for America, according to draft policy options shared with The New York Sun by commission officials.
Currently, the 10-member commission — headed by a secretary of state for President George H.W. Bush, James Baker — is considering two option papers, “Stability First” and “Redeploy and Contain,” both of which rule out any prospect of making Iraq a stable democracy in the near term.
That seems to be an increasingly common sentiment. Fareed Zakaria, for example, is done.
When Iraq’s current government was formed last April, after four months of bitter disputes, wrangling and paralysis, many voices in America and in Iraq said the next six months would be the crucial testing period. That was a fair expectation. It has now been almost six months, and what we have seen are bitter disputes, wrangling and paralysis. Meanwhile, the violence has gotten worse, sectarian tensions have risen steeply and ethnic cleansing is now in full swing. There is really no functioning government south of Kurdistan, only power vacuums that have been filled by factions, militias and strongmen. It is time to call an end to the tests, the six-month trials, the waiting and watching, and to recognize that the Iraqi government has failed. It is also time to face the terrible reality that America’s mission in Iraq has substantially failed. More waiting is unlikely to turn things around, nor will more troops.
Andrew Sullivan is just about done.
I’m not there yet and willing to give the military one last try, if Rumsfeld is fired and a serious new plan for regaining control is unveiled.
(Since Rumsfeld isn’t going to be fired and there will be no serious plan, I’d say Sullivan is just about there.)
Ralph Peters is willing to give it two more Friedmans, but he doesn’t seem to mean it.
Some Senate Republicans will apparently give it one more month — not to see progress that won’t come, but to announce their opposition to the president’s policy after the midterm elections.
Speaking of Senate Republicans, Sen. John Warner is willing to go with half a Friedman.
And in a surprising twist, Sen. Hillary Clinton apparently will commit to half a Friedman, but no more.
Sen. Hillary Clinton suggested yesterday the fight for Iraq could be lost in two to three months if President Bush doesn’t fire his war planners and change course now.
“What we’ve been doing is not working and we have maybe 60 to 90 days to try to put a different face on it and reverse it,” the New York Democrat said.But she said there was no way the Bush team of Vice President Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld would take the steps needed.
Is it me, or has the conventional wisdom officially shifted?