Illustrative votes on war funding

As you’ve no doubt heard by now, the House held two big votes on war funding last night, one on partial funding for two months and another on a near-total withdrawal of U.S. forces within nine months. The prior passed, despite a presidential veto threat, and the latter fell short, but the votes are worth taking a closer look at.

The House last night pushed through its second plan to fund the Iraq war and reshape war policy, approving legislation that would provide partial funding for the conflict but hold back most of the money until President Bush reports on the war’s progress in July.

Coming only a week after the Democrats’ first war funding bill was vetoed, the House’s 221 to 205 vote defied a fresh veto threat and even opposition from Democrats in the Senate.

“The president has brought us to this point by vetoing the first Iraq Accountability Act and refusing to pay for this war responsibly,” declared House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.). “He has grown accustomed to the free hand on Iraq he had before January 4. Those days are over.”

On the partial funding measure, let’s not lose sight of the big picture here. As recently as a week ago, the WaPo had a front-page item suggesting House Democratic leaders were already in retreat. As recently as a few days ago, Aravosis reported that conservative Blue Dog Democrats in the House, most of whom voted with the party on the withdrawal timelines, would abandon the party on funding this week.

As it turns out, House Dems not only passed the bill they wanted, the also did much better than expected. As this roll-call vote shows, the Blue Dogs stuck with the party and the same two Republicans who voted with Dems last time did so again. Pelosi’s leadership shouldn’t go by unnoticed here — she’s keeping the caucus together against the president’s policy. Indeed, on the phased withdrawal vote, 14 Dems broke ranks. Last night, that number was just 10. In other words, Democratic standing is getting stronger, not weaker.

As for the other bill, which progressives were keeping a close eye on, it also exceeded expectations.

The final tally came just an hour after antiwar Democrats mustered 171 votes for far tougher legislation that would all but end U.S. military involvement in Iraq within nine months. The 255 to 171 vote against that measure meant that nowhere close to a majority backed it, but the fact that 169 Democrats and two Republicans voted for it surprised opponents and proponents alike.

“I didn’t think I was going to get anywhere near 171 votes,” said Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), the withdrawal bill’s chief author. “This is proof that the United States Congress is getting closer to where the American people already are.”

Here’s the roll call on that bill.

As for the White House’s reaction to all of this, the media is emphasizing the president’s new-found willingness to add benchmarks to the funding bill, but it’s unclear whether Bush means toothless benchmarks (aka, suggestions) or actual benchmarks. Dem leaders are making clear that they have no tolerance for a shell game.

“The President has long said he supports benchmarks; what he fails to accept is accountability for failing to meet those benchmarks,” Pelosi said. “Benchmarks without consequences and enforcement are meaningless, a blank check.”

Stay tuned.

Kudos to Republican Congressmen Duncan and Paul.

Them’s guts, my friend.

  • “Them’s guts, my friend.”

    An alternative view would be that they are just frightened political opportunists who see the writing on the wall regarding their electoral prospects in 2008 and are afraid that if they do not change positions their constituencies are gonna toss them out.

    Guts would have been to either vote against the war or for some oversight while their own party was in charge of Congress.

    Either way, though, I guess better late than never.

  • Although to be fair to Paul I do believe, if I remember correctly, that he did vote against the Iraq War authorization, no?

  • I think the partial funding bill that was passed has some teeth. Emphasize the fact that Dems compromised on Military readiness, Timelines and Part of the funding as well.

    Force the president to veto a bill for which all he has to do is e-mail out some benchmark report in July. Then we’ll know if the idiotic NYTimes headline “President Open to Benchmarks in Iraq Measure” needs a correction or not.

    (BTW why all this giving a sh!t about Ron Paul?)

  • Bush can make noises about benchmarks making sense, but we all know that his version of them is likely to be nothing like what the House and Senate envision, given that all of the “goals” previously set out for the Iraqis have, when not met, been more or less ignored.

    Benchmarks work if there are consequences for failure to meet them, but I’m guessing that the only benchmarks Bush will consider acceptable are those that have no meaningful consequences. What the House and the Senate must do is insist that their version of benchmarks – the kind with teeth – is the only version that will be acceptable.

  • why all this giving a sh!t about Ron Paul?

    I think it’s just a function of being “reality based”. If we were wingnuts we could say whatever we felt like and reality would adapt to it.

  • There’s still the Senate, but I personally like anything that puts Bush in the position of having to slam the majority of Americans in order to justify his actions. Brings a certain clarity to things.

  • There seems to be some misplaced belief that Bush will either see reason or bow to pressure on his conduct of the Iraq war. It’s nonsense. Bush has dug in his heels because “official” failure in Iraq will complete his legacy of being uniformly wrong about everything regarding the war. He won’t give an inch, hoping for some miracle. His Plan B is to pass the war to the next president, and blame him/her for “surrendering.” He’s escalated the war with impunity, increasing deployment and extending tours of duty and terms of service. Why would he agree to reducing troops strength in any way?

  • An alternative view would be that they are just frightened political opportunists who see the writing on the wall regarding their electoral prospects in 2008 and are afraid that if they do not change positions their constituencies are gonna toss them out.

    Duncan (R-TN-2) isn’t changing positions — he voted against going to war in Iraq in the first place — I doubt he’s scared about his re-election prospects. He’s an unusual Republican, to say the least.

  • Well, the Dim-o-crats are getting less so, but they’e had so much experience snatching defeat from the jaws of victory that I am on tenterhooks every time something comes along that they should act like actual Democrats on. Like the new super-secret sellout of trade deals that K Street is so happy to see that the “defenders of workers” are once again dropping to their knees to suck and swallow in public for Wall Street. (See “Working Assets” for further information on this newest sellout – though there are a considerable majority of Democrats in Congress who may just smack the leadership and the DLC on this one)

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