In defense of vagueness and ambiguities

Kevin Drum touched on a point today I’ve been kicking around for a long while. I’d love to get some feedback on this.

In light of John Edwards’ decision to unveil a fairly detailed health care plan, Mark Schmitt suggests it’s a bad idea — not because of the policy, but because it’s a health care plan.

[L]et me go public with the one sure thing I learned from my own miserable six months working on a presidential campaign — Do Not Put Out A Health Care Plan. Just resist. Put out some clear basic goals, some non-negotiable elements, some basic sense of the mechanisms you would favor, and some examples that show that it can be done….

[All the plans] have vulnerabilities, they all create situations in which people might have to accept change or might get less than they currently have. And the people who are most likely to vote based on health care are also people likely to be fearful of losing what they have. It will always be for political opponents to push that fear button. And when they do, the cause of universal health care is set back….

The real reason, I think, that campaigns feel the need to issue detailed policy plans is simply that that’s what we liberals do. Smart people join campaigns and they want to work on “issues.” Issues means plans, policies. No one wants to be accused of being “light on details.” But details are not important politically, they don’t help you govern, and they create terrible vulnerabilities, including reinforcing the tendency of Democratic politicians to speak in terms of policy details rather than goals and ideals.

Kevin, who seems to have a generally positive impression of Edwards’ plan, disagrees with Schmidt and suggests a campaign is a good time to hash out some of these policy details. Candidates have to fight and win despite the fear button. “Otherwise you’ll get the feel-good vote during the election but then lose later on when you try to fulfill your campaign promise and run smack into…the fear button. Best to take it on in broad daylight and wrestle it to the ground. Eventually someone will have to.”

I’m leaning in Schmitt’s direction on this one.

I’m all for substantive, policy-oriented campaigns, but I’m not sure there’s a practical (or political) upside to presenting detailed policy prescriptions, especially on a complex issue like health care, during a presidential race.

On Kevin’s side of this, candidates can claim a mandate for specific ideas if they present detailed proposals and then win. “I campaigned on this,” the newly-elected president can say, “and the people have sent me to get this done.” Except lawmakers, historically, rarely care. Presidents use the bully pulpit to raise the profile of the issue, and keep a policy matter on the front burner, but Congress is going to do what Congress is going to do. The chairman of Ways and Means Committee will yawn quite loudly when the White House complains, “But I offered the public a detailed white paper on this before the convention!” It might serve as a starting point for a congressional hearing, or maybe not even that.

As Schmitt put it:

[Y[ou will be the president, but you are not, sorry to say, The Decider, at least not on health care. To get something passed, you will have to deal with the political circumstances of that moment. Will you be able to get some Republicans on your side? Do you have a filibuster-proof majority in the Senate? Will you be able to get the support of some large businesses? Will insurance companies fight any change, or are there some options they could live with? Are you able to sell the tax increase that real reform will require (and that Edwards, to his credit, was unafraid to name)? All these political circumstances will affect the shape of the actual proposal, which is why you need goals and a few non-negotiable elements, not a detailed plan.

I suppose it’s possible that there could be political ramifications for a candidate to tell voters, “Vote for me — and I’ll work out the details later.” But recent history shows otherwise. In 2000, Bush’s vague and ambiguous tax plan didn’t make any sense. Al Gore tried to make it a campaign issue, but the media ignored it and voters didn’t care. In 2004, Bush said more than once that he could revitalize Social Security without raising taxes, cutting benefits, or raising the retirement age. How did he propose to pull that off? He didn’t — he just mentioned ideas and goals without any details. There were no political consequences.

In fact, American voters don’t seem to care all that much about the details in advance. A candidate talks about what he or she finds important, and how he or she would approach the issue if elected. Voters either agree or disagree. If a candidate were to make some kind of outlandish campaign promise — free ice cream for everyone, every day, for four years — there would probably be a higher expectation to explain how that might work, but a more general policy prescription needs a lot fewer support materials.

The more I write on this, the more I’m inclined to believe candidates shouldn’t bother with detailed health care proposals. Too many negatives, too few positives. What do you guys think?

I see….so it’s better to be vague about how you would govern if you get to wear the crown of state; that way, people can’t pick holes in your plan and hold it up to ridicule. It’s all so clear to me now.

Remind me again, how did we get here? Once, prospective leaders could campaign on a plan confident that friends and enemies would expose weaknesses and suggest changes, some of which could be unabashedly incorporated as the good ideas they were. It would still be the candidate’s plan, just stronger and more marketable for constructive criticism.

Now, however, there’s no such thing as constructive criticism. In its place, tactics, stratgery and win at all costs.

  • Since Edwards is relatively unexperienced he might want to prove that he CAN develop a comprehensive plan for an issue like health care.

  • “…details are not important politically, they don’t help you govern, and they create terrible vulnerabilities, including reinforcing the tendency of Democratic politicians to speak in terms of policy details rather than goals and ideals.”

    I agree. Nobody likes a wonk., just ask Al Gore.

  • I think proving many details on any gov’t program or policy is a bad idea at this point. Remember Regan had no details about anything, in fact he probably offered directly inconsistent policies, but they were so vague that no one noticed or cared. Most voters make their decision on emotion rather than reason.

    We liberals need to learn this lesson! Obama seems to know this intuitively.

  • you can always hold it against your opponents in the primary that you have a detailed plan with all the answers, and they don’t. If you want to show that you are serious about it, you can put your plan forward and say to people, 70% of whom are OK with a national health care system, “Here is my plan. I’m very serious about this.”

    Edwards is probably trying to differentiate himself and take a risk. He’s not a current frontrunner, and to put himself on the map he needs to do something high-profile.

    I agree that it’s not always best to give details, because your opponents will be more easily able to smash them to bits. So for now the issue would be whether the other candidates are willing to bash his plan while not having one of their own – I suspect some of them would be willing to do that.

  • I can see the arguments against doing what Edwards is doing, but I am also sick of the Democratic Strategist® syndrome and handling candidates to the point where come out as a homogenous blob rather than a fully formed person. I bet that people in this nation think health care at this moment is as much a mess as Iraq. This could work well for Edwards, even though we all know that right wing outlets will have a field day and tie his plan to some nasty little turn of phrase to disparage John.

    It may not be politically savvy to spell out one’s plans in a campaign, but it is brave and that’s a quality I’d greatly admire in a candidate and a leader of this nation. If we don’t talk about the issues, we’ll once again leave the floor open to debates about a candidates hair or the latest smear wrought by the 527s.

  • in light of the fact that any ultimate legislation would not mirror the policy discussed during the election, i think it would be better to list some bullets regarding the major issues you want addressed, alternatives for addressing those issues, and probably your preference. and don’t be against trying some permutations on the alternatives. but i think to say “here is my plan, down to the crossed t’s and dotted i’s” won’t help you and can be held against you after the campaign.

  • Too true, Bill – however, that enables the current practice of stating what you mean to do if elected, without in any way demonstrating how you’re going to do it. Then, once safely elected, you can abandon it and say, “Gee, I really was committed to that, but we just didn’t have the numbers/money/support/international backing. This relies heavily on muttonheads who think that saying you want to do it is the same as execution, and that if you propose it, that makes it possible.

  • By doing it so early, Edwards gets credit for staking out the position and moving the debate to the left and attracting the activists who are the only ones really paying attention. By the time it’s a bigger deal, it’s old news, so I think it’s not a bad play – In a similar vein, if i were Obama I would make sure everyone and their brother knew his middle name was Hussein, just to make the attack look old and silly when the right does it in earnest.

  • i can understand your point, mark @8. i guess that didn’t occur to me, since my integrity wouldn’t let me do that. that’s part of why i’m not in politics. (that and i usually say what i feel even if it isn’t the popular opinion……)

  • For me, it’s yet another reminder that the attributes that make a good politician are the same that make a poor public official, and vice versa. So the liars, trickstirs, and money makers can gain office, but only the honest and competent can do the job.

  • …the more I’m inclined to believe candidates shouldn’t bother with detailed health care proposals. Too many negatives, too few positives.

    Agreed and the sad part is that this isn’t just relevant to health care proposals. I’m confident any serious Democratic candidate for President would be better than any of the GOP candidates. I’m not confident that the broad middle of the electorate agrees with that. Therefore, I say, “go big: state ideals and goals, forego detailed policy proscriptions.” The GOP has been taking us to the mat for far too long in presidential campaigns precisely because they understand this.

    Sadly, it’s a beauty contest. Accordingly, all we have to do is state the equivalent of “end world hunger” and smile. We do *not* have to describe in detail how we will accomplish this goal.

  • I think the message that Bush’s war has sent is that we can afford anything so detailed plans that “prove” we can do something aren’t that valuable. Maybe it’s enough to state the outcomes or goals that the candidate is committed to.

    If Bush had laid out his spending plans for the war, everyone would have said “Impossible.”

  • I agree with CB. Providing details now only provides fresh ammo for the people who want the status quo. There will be so many things that will change between now and whenever the final plan is hammered out, that all any candidate should do now is lay out the main areas of agreement about the problem itself, and then lay out the known “solutions” that would be unacceptable to the candidate. The American people will have to decide who has the best understanding of the problem (not necessarily the solution).

    Harry and Louise will be there to gnaw the flesh off of anyone who dares threaten the “health care” monstrosity, there’s no need to hand them an axe. When they demand specifics on any Dem “plan”, the Dems should simply tell them they’re getting the cart in front of the horse. They should ask their opposition what their understanding of the problem is, and then hack that to pieces. If someone can’t understand a problem, then they certainly shouldn’t be involved in finding a solution to it.

  • Putting out a detailed plan as a candidate may be courageous, but it may also be impossible. An issue as complex as health care (there is no health care “system”), with so many vested, contradictory interests and enormous implications can’t be addressed by locking a few like-minded folks in a room until they come up with a plan. It’s going to take leadership, yes, but also a lot of arm-twisting and compromise. No matter what solution you arrive at, some people are going to squawk like hell.

    Personally, I’d rather win the election and bring the power of office to the table than face the opposition during a campaign and lose the election.

  • I think it is a good idea. Sure, there are good points about why not to but if done right it could be a huge advantage. Look at how the GOP used (and still use) the Dems lack of a war plan to beat us. They say, “Sure our plan isn’t perfect but where is your plan?”

    If a rival takes a couple of shots at your plan details all you need to do is say “I’ll take that under advisement and consider you a 95% supporter of my plan. Do you want a job on the working group in January?”

    No more bullshit vague vapid talking point hurling retards! This idea is popular with the people. EOL healthcare will impact millions of baby-boomers during the next presidency.

  • I would agree with Mark Schmitt on this one. If he wants to talk about health he can go with the “let Congress negotiate for better drug prices” meme which already has broad public support and has already been passed by the House, as I recall.

    That way he will have successfully implanted the idea that he’s in favor of good health care for people without stepping into the minefield of a broader healthcare initiative.

    Too late now, though, I guess. Oh, well.

  • You need to define your goals (what is success; ROI; etc…) before you can create a detailed plan. That plan then needs to flexible enough to change, so that it can meet those goals – not the other way around.

    So coming out with a detailed plan before anybody has bought into your goals is a waste of time. It’s where Hillary went wrong with her healthcare plan.

  • How many times have we been told “Democrats don’t have a plan”?

    Strategically, it’s better for candidates to keep their focus on the bigger picture. If they think they can rely on people voting rationally, they’ll get Gored.

    But for those of us who like to pick candidates as informed consumers, there is value. If we only ever hear generalities from Obama and Hillary, for instance, will we really have enough information to trust that they represent us?

  • The conventional wisdom — counseling vagueness is right. And Edwards is right too.

    How can this be? Simple: for most candidates it pays to be vague, for all the reasons given above. For Edwards, who is basing his appeal on not being the usual demonzing-the-opposition candidate, on running on hope instead of fear, it makes sense to be specific about core proposals. It will not only energize his base, but show signal sincerity to others.

  • “there is no health care “system” – beep52

    That’s an outstanding point that gets overlooked the debate. It’s also why we have such problems with healthcare: there’s no thoughtful coordination between the industries that provide care, which is why average citizens get ground between the gears of the health care machine. It would be wise for anyone speaking about healthcare to not give too much credit to the amalgam of health providers in this nation by calling it a system.

    Reading other posts, I realized how tiresome the reference to plans are. After 2004, I though if I heard another politician proclaim how they “have a plan” I was going to go postal. MLK did not name his speech “I have a plan” because it would only sound like hollow rhetoric. “I have a dream” at least sounds a bit visionary.

  • Edwards just froze out the GOP and their herd of lemmings on one of its biggest talking points. For example:

    LIMBAUGH: What’s the plan?

    EDWARDS: Here. Now read this—and STFU.

    This is one big gem of a topic, and if Edwards plays this trump-card early enough (which now is pretty much as “early enough” as you can get), and with enough basic detail (seems he’s got that one locked up as well), he can turn the core issue of the ’08 campaign from foreign policy to domestic policy.

    Pretty much like Clinton did to Bush 1 in 1992.—and people think I’m batshit crazy for backing the guy….

  • As one of the many great unwashed who believe it’s years past time for Serious People in Washington to get off their duff and fix the healthcare problem, I’m happy to see Edwards actually put a plan out there, instead of more ‘happy talk’ bullet points that never amount to anything.

    Frankly, I’d rather voters in 2008 go to the polls after having heard for 2 years that Democrats are driving reform, and Edwards is driving that. Is it smart for Edwards tactically as a campaigner? I don’t know, what’s the campaign value of doing what the nation needs NOW, instead of what he’ll need personally in 2008?

  • It seems to me somewhat of a toss-up. Edwards is going to be bashed, and bashed hard, plan or no plan. No one will understand the details much, or the criticisms of those details, so to me I think it depends on how much the public really wants reform this time. If Edwards could respond to his critics (and have his response broadcast by the idiot media) by saying, “No plan is perfect, and I wecome suggestions from both sides of the aisle; note that my opponent has no answer to this crisis,” it might make some slight positive impression. We all seem to be assuming that the GOP still has the same ability to scare people that they did in the 90’s; for me, the 2006 election showed that their ability has dwindled somewhat.

  • I see Harry and Louise up there, but no mention of Michael Moore.

    He’s set to release Sicko in June. This will impact the discussion on health care in America like it or not. Slow summer time to release a movie, but it will make DVD in September and will definitely be on the mind of the voter who sees the movie by the time it is (probably) nominated for an Oscar in early 2008. I for one would want to be the candidate who has the clearest position on the topic.

  • If I were a candidate, I’d first make clear my goals and my principles — that is, a general outline of where I want to go and how I want to get there, of what the “must haves” and “like to haves” are. Then I’d put out not one plan, but two or three. I wouldn’t get too deeply into details, because as Schmitt notes once you get into office all those things are negotiable as you try and get other people on board. But I’d say something like, “I think a plan like this Plan A would work and would be acceptable to me. But so might this Plan B, or even this Plan C. On the other hand I don’t think something like this Plan D would work, and it wouldn’t be acceptable to me because it goes against my basic principles.”

    I think you need to show command of the issues and the details, and some flexibility over your ultimate outcome, without getting too bogged down in specifics and giving you opponents an easy target to shoot at.

  • Comments are closed.