Against my better judgment, I started reading Charles Krauthammer’s column today and was pleasantly surprised by the first five words: “Alberto Gonzales has to go.”
I should have stopped reading. The column went downhill from there.
Krauthammer insists Gonzales’ mistake isn’t obstruction of justice and/or perjury, but merely political. “Gonzales has allowed a scandal to be created where there was none.” And for that, Krauthammer argues, “Gonzales must resign.”
[W]hy did Gonzales have to claim that the firings were done with no coordination with the White House? That’s absurd. Why shouldn’t there be White House involvement? That is nothing to be defensive about. Does anyone imagine that Janet Reno fired all 93 U.S. attorneys in March 1993, giving them all of 10 days to clear out, without White House involvement?
The Bush administration fired eight. Democrats are charging that this was done for reasons of politics and that politics have no place in the legal system. This is laughable. U.S. attorneys are appointed by the president — and, by tradition, are recommended by home state politicians of the same party, not by a group of judges or a committee of the American Bar Association. Which makes their appointment entirely political.
One can’t help but get the impression that well-informed conservatives, such as Krauthammer, know full well that the Clinton comparison is ridiculous, but repeat it anyway for the express purpose of annoying people. It’s kind of like references to the “Democrat Party” — conservatives use poor grammar and debunked canards to test Americans’ tolerance for stupidity in the public discourse.
Then Krauthammer gets into the meat of his argument.
Okay, say the accusers, but once you’ve made the appointments, they should be left to pursue justice on their own. It’s nice to see that Sen. Charles Schumer, who is using this phony scandal to raise funds for the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, has suddenly adopted a Platonic view of justice. But the fact is that there are thousands of laws on the books and only finite resources for any prosecutor to deploy, which means that one must have priorities about which laws to emphasize and which crimes to pursue.
Those decisions are essentially political. And they are decided by elections in which both parties spell out very clearly their law enforcement priorities. Are you going to allocate prosecutorial resources more to drug dealing or tax cheating? To street crime or corporate malfeasance? To illegal immigration or illegal pollution? If you’re a Democrat today, you call the choice “political” to confer a sense of illegitimacy. If you’re a neutral observer, you call the choice a set of law enforcement priorities reflecting the policy preferences of the winner of the last presidential election.
For example, both voter intimidation and voter fraud are illegal. The Democrats have a particular interest in the former because they see it diminishing their turnout, while Republicans are particularly interested in the latter because they see it as inflating the Democratic tally. The Bush administration apparently was dismayed that some of these fired attorneys were not vigorous enough in pursuing voter fraud.
I had to read that a couple of times to fully unwrap just what Krauthammer was getting at, particularly on that last point.
First, the argument about fraud is itself a fraud. Second, and more importantly, Christopher Orr noted that Krauthammer appears to believe it is “perfectly acceptable for a White House to fire attorneys because they are not following policy priorities that are explicitly intended to aid its own party at the polls. This is a truly extraordinary assertion: That the party in power is entitled to use law enforcement officers to punish the party out of power. Doubtless Krauthammer will defend this moral principle with equal vigor when a Democrat is in the White House.
Krauthammer concludes:
There is only one impermissible reason for presidential intervention: to sabotage an active investigation. That is obstruction of justice.
I think that’s irresponsibly narrow — there are plenty of other impermissible reasons for presidential intervention — but if even if we play by Krauthammer’s rules, how does he explain the email describing Carol Lam as “the real problem” the day she starts to build on her corruption investigation in the Cunningham scandal?
I keep thinking, one of these days the president’s allies will come up with a coherent defense for all of this. We’re clearly not there yet.