John McCain’s website tells visitors, “Too often the special interest lobbyists with the fattest wallets and best access carry the day.” It sounds like a compelling sentiment from a one-time reformer, and might even be impressive, just so long as you don’t peek behind the curtain.
Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) took a break from the presidential campaign trail in March to fly to a posh Utah ski resort, where he mingled with hundreds of top corporate executives assembled by J.P. Morgan Chase for its annual leadership conference.
McCain’s appearance at the Deer Valley event, arranged by J.P. Morgan Vice Chairman James B. Lee Jr., a top McCain fundraiser, put him in a room with the chief executives of companies such as General Electric, Xerox and Sony. It was, Lee said, “a chance for him to let them see him for who he is and possibly decide to support him.” The effort paid off: J.P. Morgan executives have donated $56,250 to McCain’s campaign, two-thirds of which came after his Utah appearance. And his visit there was quickly followed up by dozens of smaller private meetings with corporate executives in New York City arranged by leading Wall Street figures. […]
As a presidential candidate this year, McCain has found himself assiduously courting both lobbyists and their wealthy clients, offering them private audiences as part of his fundraising. He also counts more than 30 lobbyists among his chief fundraisers, more than any other presidential contender.
It’s certainly an awkward disconnect, isn’t it? McCain is a “reformer,” who rails against “special interests” and their “undue influence.” Ever since that Keating 5 unpleasantness a while back, McCain has positioned himself as the Republicans’ leading advocate of campaign-finance reform, denouncing colleagues who offer special access to donors in order to fill their campaign coffers.
And yet, there’s McCain, giving powerful corporate lobbyists and their clients high-priced private schmooze sessions at exclusive retreats.
If McCain’s persona was in line with his conduct, he’d probably be a more impressive candidate.
For that matter, let’s also not forget that McCain not only surrounds himself with lobbyist fundraisers; he’s also surrounded himself with lobbyist staffers.
John McCain, who made his name attacking special interests, has more lobbyists working on his staff or as advisers than any of his competitors, Republican or Democrat.
A Huffington Post examination of the campaigns of the top three presidential candidates in each party shows that lobbyists are playing key roles in both Democratic and Republican bids –although they are far more prevalent on the GOP side. But, all the campaigns pale in comparison to McCain’s, whose rhetoric stands in sharp contrast to his conduct.
“Too often the special interest lobbyists with the fattest wallets and best access carry the day when issues of public policy are being decided,” McCain asserts on his web site, declaring that he “has fought the ‘revolving door’ by which lawmakers and other influential officials leave their posts and become lobbyists for the special interests they have aided.”
In actual practice, at least two of McCain’s top advisers fit precisely the class of former elected officials he criticizes so sharply. On March 7, 2007, McCain named ex-Texas Representative Tom Loeffler, who has one of the most lucrative and influential practices in the nation’s capital, as his campaign co-chair. In the same month, McCain named former Washington Sen. Slade Gorton, now a heavyweight lobbyist, as his honorary chairman for Washington state.
Loeffler’s client list includes PhRMA, the drug industry association; Southwest Airlines; Toyota; and Martin Marietta. Gorton represents, among others, Burlington Northern Santa Fe Corp., Weyerhaeuser and Fidelity National Financial.
In addition, David Crane, now the campaign’s senior policy advisor, was a senior executive at The Washington Group, a firm with 2006 billings of $10.4 million and 52 clients, including Delta Airlines, the Association of American Railroads, and the governments of Panama and Bangladesh. And Charlie Black, who is now a campaign spokesman appearing on McCain’s behalf on radio, television, and as a “spin-doctor” after debates, is chairman of BKSH & Associates, with lobbying billings of $7.6 million in 2006, representing J.P. Morgan, Occidental and General Motors.
All told, there are 11 current or former lobbyists working for or advising McCain, at least double the number in any other campaign.
As is usually the case with McCain, the rhetoric doesn’t match the reality.