After weeks of fairly intense wrangling, it looked as if the Senate was ready to approve a bi-partisan, non-binding resolution in opposition to the president’s escalation strategy in Iraq. Dems wanted a more assertive resolution with stronger language; Republican war skeptics preferred a watered down measure; and a compromise measure landed somewhere in between.
As of last night, the Dem leadership was elated. Thanks to the compromise, the Senate would likely pass a resolution with broad support. I heard a rumor that Dems hoped to get as many as 70 votes, which would be a surprisingly powerful statement for the chamber. The House could (would) then pass the same resolution, and congressional Dems could use this as a platform for additional action. Earlier this week, filibusters and GOP obstructionism made it look as if no resolution would pass. Now, everything was falling into place.
Senate leaders, however, didn’t count on anti-war Dems bolting in the other direction, insisting that the resolution is just too weak to support. Sen. Russ Feingold (D-Wis.) was the first to step back.
“I oppose the weak Warner-Levin resolution as currently written because it misunderstands the situation in Iraq and shortchanges our national security interests. The resolution rejects redeploying U.S. troops and supports moving a misguided military strategy from one part of Iraq to another. The American people have rejected the President’s Iraq strategy and it’s time for Congress to end our military involvement in this war. We must redeploy our troops from Iraq so that we can focus on the global threats that face us.”
Feingold was first, but he wasn’t alone.
Sen. Chris Dodd (D-Conn.), a presidential aspirant, was even more forceful.
The legislation on which Senators Warner and Levin compromised last evening is essentially an endorsement of the status quo. It is flawed in very fundamental ways:
First, It doesn’t oppose a surge in our forces per se — it simply states that the 21,000 is too high a number.
Second, it doesn’t contemplate the phased redeployment from Iraq, quite the contrary, it says that the legislation “should not be interpreted as precipitating any immediate reduction in, or withdrawal of, the present level of forces.”
Third, it refuses to endorse one of the most critical element of the Baker Hamilton plan — namely engaging all of Iraq’s neighbors in a region effort to bring peace and stability to Iraq.
That is why Senator Dodd intends to vote against this bill when it comes to a vote on the Senate floor unless it is significantly changed. He believes that now is the time for meaningful action on Iraq.
As of this morning, the central question on the Hill was how many Republicans would have the courage to buck the will of the president and back a resolution criticizing the White House strategy. As of this afternoon, the central question seems to be how many Democrats (particularly those running for president) will say the resolution is too weak and is therefore undeserving of support.
This escalating “arms race” dynamic keeps playing out, and I wonder if it’s poised to happen again. Two weeks ago, Dodd, Biden, Clinton, and Obama scurried to show that they opposed the president’s policy more than their rivals. Are they now going to fight over the resolution?
It gets a little complicated, doesn’t it? If Dodd’s statement is any indication, real opponents of the war are supposed to vote against a resolution condemning the president’s escalation in Iraq.
If these leaders want to try and one-up each other on who wants to fight the White House most, that’s just fine with me, but I have a hunch this one’s going to get kind of confusing.
Post Script: For Dems who look at the watered-down resolution and think “close enough,” but are suddenly worried about Dodd flanking them on the left, they might get a little cover from MoveOn.org, which has endorsed the Warner-Levin compromise resolution. MoveOn.org Political Action DC Director, Tom Matzzie, said:
We are pleased the Senate is headed to a bipartisan vote disagreeing with President Bush’s escalation in Iraq. This is an important first step towards Congress blocking the escalation and stopping the war.
The compromise language would not constrain the Congress from using all of its powers to stop the escalation and force President Bush to implement an exit plan. The “power of the purse” has been wrongly caricatured as “cutting off the troops.” That has never happened in U.S. history nor should it. However, Congress has several times used its powers to stop a president’s use of military force.
If, after the vote, the president fails to respond to the will of a bipartisan majority in Congress, the American people and the Iraq Study Group then the Congress must without hesitation use all of its powers to stop President Bush and get America out of Iraq.
Opposition is a good first step but Congress must stop President Bush.
So, what’s an anti-war, anti-Bush, seeking-higher-office Dem to do?