By historical standards, Democrats have been very lucky when it comes to George W. Bush and the Supreme Court. In the modern political era, two-term presidents generally get to leave quite a mark on the high court. Truman named four justices to the court; Eisenhower had five; Kennedy/Johnson had four; Nixon had four; and Reagan had three (four if you count elevating Rehnquist to Chief).
Republicans got lucky when Clinton only had two, and then Dems were just as lucky that W. Bush only had two, as well. (Bush had none in his first term, which was a real historical fluke — and a missed opportunity given Roberts and Alito.)
With this in mind, the future of the Supreme Court will be shaped directly by the 2008 presidential election. It’s not exactly a high-profile campaign issue — it’s tough to compete with the economy, Iraq, energy policy, and healthcare — but I continue to believe it should be.
The estimable Dahlia Lithwick did a nice job setting the stage:
The composition of the high court is one of the most important issues at stake in the November election. While the justices cannot bring down gas prices or bring home the troops, their decisions in the coming years will affect just about everything else: your rights regarding privacy, reproduction, speech and religion; how to count your vote and where your kids go to school; as well as your occupational and environmental protections. You name it, they’ll decide it. Or they’ll decide not to decide it (which may be even worse).
It’s easy to convince yourself that who sits on that bench is irrelevant to you because the cases are too complicated to comprehend or too remote to affect your life. But the next president may have the chance to appoint as many as three justices — the constitutional equivalent of a royal flush.
Three isn’t an unrealistic number. John Paul Stevens is 88. Ruth Bader Ginsburg is 75 and has had health problems. Three more justices are either in their 70s or will be within the next year. Souter reportedly pines for life in New Hampshire.
Roberts, Alito, Scalia, and Thomas make up a predictable conservative voting bloc. Another vote will give the right a majority. Two more would make it easy for them.
Lithwick offers a “user’s guide” to the Supreme Court, explaining why this issue really does matter in the context of the Obama-McCain race, and why the stakes are “very high.”
[I]t’s clear there are four justices on the bench who mistrust the judiciary in the manner of a Rockette who doesn’t much care for dancing. Dissenting in this month’s enemy combatants case, Justice Antonin Scalia predicted that judicial overreaching “will almost certainly cause more Americans to be killed.” Chief Justice John Roberts added that “unelected, politically unaccountable judges” should not shape detention policy. It’s not just bad judges who should not be deciding these claims in their view. Better that no judges oversee them. One more seat at the high court filled by someone who generally believes that jurists cannot be trusted to do much more than wear ascots, will spell the difference between a coequal branch of government and a court that cheers from the bleachers. In ascots.
At the heart of the high court’s biggest debates to come — questions about the scope of privacy and claims about presidential secrecy and power — there is a deeper question about the role of courts in this country. So, when you go to the voting booth on Nov. 4, don’t think just in terms of which candidate will appoint judges who are “good for women” or “good for property rights.” That’s terribly important, but it’s half the story. For eight years the Bush administration has treated the courts almost like an enemy: meddlers and elitists who cannot understand what it means to be at war. As a consequence, we find ourselves in a country where the rule of law is reduced to an occasional luxury, like heated seats.
As you contemplate what you want your next Supreme Court to look like, ask yourself what happens when judges are sidelined — or when they’re chosen for their inclination to sideline themselves. If we really want to restore the rule of law in America, and the reputation of the United States as a land in which laws matter, we need to vote for a president who believes that we still call it a Supreme Court for a reason.
Choose wisely.