At this point, finding the good side of the Democrats’ prolonged nomination fight is awfully difficult. I imagine voters in Oregon and Kentucky, for example, are pleased that their votes will be sought after in late May, so for them this is marginally good news, but for the party overall, this has grown tiresome, frustrating, and grueling. One assumes the candidates and their staffs feel largely the same way.
But — and you had to know a “but” was coming — the WaPo’s Dan Balz did manage to stumble upon a possible silver lining.
Figures released by Pennsylvania’s Department of State on Monday night showed that Democrats have topped 4 million registered voters, the first time either party in the state has crossed that threshold. Democrats have added 161,000 to their rolls, a gain of about 4 percent; Republican registration has dipped about 1 percent, to 3.2 million.
That is consistent with the pattern since the beginning of the year: Democratic turnout in primaries and caucuses has topped Republican turnout, often by huge differences.
In Ohio, 2.2 million voters participated in the Democratic primary, compared with 1.1 million in the Republican primary. In Texas, 2.9 million voters turned out for the Democratic primary and 1.4 million for the GOP primary. Even in Florida, where the Republican primary was one of the most hotly contested of the year and the Democratic primary featured no active campaigning by the candidates, GOP turnout was only marginally higher: 1.9 million vs. 1.7 million.
These turnout figures match what pollsters have found as they have surveyed the electorate throughout the year: The gap between Democratic and Republican identification has grown dramatically.
That’s a reasonably good point. When people are engaged in the Dems’ race, and they’re excited about the candidates and the competition, they participate in Democratic primaries and caucuses, and in states like Pennsylvania, register as Dems in large numbers. Sure, some of these may be Limbaugh Republicans with mischievous intentions, but the vast majority are likely motivated voters.
This is encouraging for the party, of course, in large part because this should help Dems in November. The emphasis, however, is on the “should.”
If there are all of these excited Democrats anxious to get the country moving in a new direction, and then a fifth of them decide to vote Republican as the result of an ugly primary fight, the advantage doesn’t mean much.
A sizable proportion of Democrats would vote for John McCain next November if he is matched against the candidate they do not support for the Democratic nomination. This is particularly true for Hillary Clinton supporters, more than a quarter of whom currently say they would vote for McCain if Barack Obama is the Democratic nominee. […]
Clinton supporters appear to be somewhat more reactive than Obama supporters. Twenty-eight percent of the former indicate that if Clinton is not the nominee — and Obama is — they would support McCain. That compares to 19% of Obama supporters who would support McCain if Obama is not the nominee — and Clinton is.
A few angles to consider here. First, it’s still early. The Clinton and Obama agendas are pretty similar, and when Democratic voters are confronted with the prospects of a third Bush term with McCain, I suspect these numbers will drop dramatically. They better.
Second, it’s not especially important, but I was a little surprised that 28% of self-identified Clinton backers prefer the conservative Republican candidate to Obama. Up until now, the conventional wisdom at least hinted that Obama’s backers are more interested in him than the party. It’s a movement, the argument goes, built around some kind of cult of personality. Except, if Gallup’s results are right, this isn’t the case at all, and the bigger problem is Clinton supporters putting their opposition to Obama ahead of their support for the party (and the country’s future).
And third, in a close race, even a small number of Democratic defectors could ruin the Dems’ chances on Election Day. No one seriously believes the number will stay at or around 20% over the next nine months, but even if it drops to 4% or 5%, that’s a gift to the GOP that will almost certainly ensure a McCain victory.
Which leads us back to where we started: end the nomination fight sooner, not later.