One need not be a professional pollster to know that most rank-and-file Dems have been disappointed with the new Democratic congressional majority this year. And one need not be a professional political analyst to see why.
Dems have done a reasonably good job on domestic issues on which they feel strong: minimum-wage increase, student-loan reform, lobbying/ethics reform, health-care for kids. It’s national security that’s the problem — on everything from war funding, to FISA, to Iran, the Democratic majority still governs from a position of fear. They’re afraid the public will perceive them as “weak,” or “soft,” so they’ve caved on these issues. A lot.
Now, the obvious question is why Dems can’t read the same polls as the rest of us, and see strong national consensus on policy positions they’re running away from. The answer, of course, is that for most of these Dems, they don’t care about national polls, they care about local polls — and if their constituents aren’t on board with a Democratic national-security agenda, these lawmakers assume their careers are on the line.
It sets up two competing beliefs. On the one hand, centrist Dems from right-leaning swing districts want the party to cut them some slack. Without them, there is no Democratic majority. On the other hand, what good is a Democratic majority if the party is too timid to push back against Mr. 28% on Iraq and other national-security issues?
Kevin Drum summarized the dynamic nicely the other day.
National security is where this particular rubber hits the road most conspicuously. The reason we can’t defund the war is because Dems in swing districts think they’ll lose their seats if a Republican opponent can club them over the head next year with a 24/7 barrage of grainy black-and-white commercials accusing them of not supporting our troops. Ditto for FISA, Kyl-Lieberman, the “General Betray-us” ad, shutting down Guantanamo, the Military Commissions Act, and a host of other related issues.
So here’s my question: when we blogosphere types complain about this weak-kneed attitude, are we complaining because (a) we think the centrists are wrong; they could keep their seats in marginal districts even if they toed the progressive line on national security issues. Or (b) because we don’t care; they should do the right thing even if it means losing next November?
There’s no shortage on possible responses.
Matt Yglesias doesn’t understand what Dems are so afraid of.
Here’s the thing. I can’t guarantee that standing up against a corrupt, unpopular, and incompetent president’s right to grant retroactive legal protections to large corporations for their complicity in illegal spying won’t lead anyone to electoral defeat. What I can say is that the evidence that it will lead to electoral defeat doesn’t seem incredibly compelling. Democratic efforts to hug the GOP on security and fight elections on other issues didn’t pay much in the way of dividends when they were tried. The desire to avoid fights on these issues seems to me to largely reflect a kind of laziness. If the people advising the party on how to win elections don’t think it’s possible to craft compelling speeches, sound bites, advertisements, etc. around liberal views on national security policy, then someone needs to fire all of those people and hire some new people who are willing to give it a shot.
Oliver Willis thinks the grainy black-and-white commercials won’t have as much of an effect as the Dems seem to think.
The moral thing to do has the advantage of also being the politically sound thing to do. Sure, there are Republican dead-enders who think anyone who votes in favor of ending the war is an anti-American traitor, but no matter how you vote those jokers are never going to be Democratic voters in any district. Democrats won in red districts because the Republicans rubber stamped the war.
Avedon Carol argued a similar tack.
Look, right-wingers aren’t going to vote for Democrats, even if they seem almost like Republicans, when they can vote for actual Republicans. Progressives don’t do much for Democrats who seem almost like Republicans — often, they won’t even vote. (Remember Harold Ford? He’s the poster child for guys who “had to” run to the right in their reddish districts. He lost. Some people want to say it was because he was black, but that’s not why progressives didn’t vote for him.) And it doesn’t matter what you do, the GOP will still say you don’t support the troops and you hate America and are a far-left moonbat just because you’re a Democrat.
So, if you want to do the wrong thing to get votes, run as a Republican. If you run as a Democrat, you’d better be willing to do the right thing, or we have no use for you. You just make it seem more obvious that “there is no difference between the two parties,” and that means people won’t get out and vote.
And Swopa, who has been emphasizing the same point for two years, even offers a template for Dems to follow.
1. Take a Very Bad Thing that happened with regard to national security (namely, Iraq).
2. Ascribe this Very Bad Thing to a mindset associated with the other party.
3. Describe the different mindset your party has, and assert that this will defend the country better.
4. Repeat daily, using your party’s more effective mindset as the reason for your stand on Issue of the Day X.If this sounds familiar to you, that’s because it’s what Republicans do every day (using September 11th as the Very Bad Thing instead of Iraq) — and by “every day,” I mean today, for example. Indeed, it’s the very approach that has congressional Democrats scurrying for cover on a regular basis, on all the issues that Kevin Drum cites.
OK, your turn. Have at it.