There seems to be no shortage of confusion about what Congress can and should do about the president’s intention to escalate the war in Iraq. Dems being Dems, there are no shortages of opinions, most of them contradictory, and plenty of internal squabbling over just how much power the new congressional majority really has.
The new Democratic majority in Congress is divided over how to assert its power in opposing President Bush’s plan to send more troops to Baghdad, as leaders explore ways to block financing for a military expansion without being accused of abandoning American forces already in Iraq.
While Democrats find themselves unusually united in their resistance to a troop increase, party leaders are locked in an internal debate over how far to go in objecting to the administration’s Iraq strategy.
The most common refrain seems to be that of Sen. Joe Biden (D-Del.) who argued that it’d be “unconstitutional” to “micromanage” the president’s handling of the war in Iraq, and that the Senate could, at the most, focus on public opinion by voting on a “resolution of disapproval.” Since then, however, this notion has been debunked. Repeatedly.
Georgetown’s Marty Lederman explained that Congress absolutely has the power to “correct the executive’s mistakes,” especially when it comes to misuse of the military, and that lawmakers could pass a measure setting troop caps, deployment deadlines, or both.
Former White House constitutional advisor Neil Kinkopf argued the same thing, as did Rep. Jack Murtha (D-Pa.). For that matter, as Brad Plumer noted, “[T]his seems like a rather odd time for key congressional Democrats to be taking a dim view of their own institutional powers, no?” Quite right.
Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.) will offer a very reasonable solution to this today, requiring Bush to gain new congressional authority before sending more troops to Iraq. As the NYT put it, “The Kennedy plan is intended to provide Democrats with a road map for how to proceed in Iraq. Mr. Kennedy … recalled that Congress interceded during conflicts in Vietnam and Lebanon, and he said Democrats should not hesitate to do so in Iraq.”
Josh Marshall, as he is prone to do, summarized the big picture nicely. The establishment’s rhetoric about an unlimited presidential power on the military ignores the fact that “democracy matters.”
The constitution gives the president great power and latitude in the exercise of his war powers. But not exclusive power. The president is not a king. Anybody who knows anything about the US constitution knows that it was designed specifically so that the president’s need to get the Congress to finance his wars would be an effective break on the vast power he holds as commander-in-chief. […]
The way this is ‘supposed’ to work is that when the president takes a dramatic new direction like this he consults with Congress. That way, some relative range of agreement can be worked out through consultation. National unity is great. Or at least that’s the theory. But here we have a case where the president’s party has just been thrown out of power in Congress largely, though not exclusively, because the public is fed up with the president’s lies and failures abroad. (Indeed, at this point, what else does the Republican party stand for but corruption at home and failure abroad? Small government? Please.) The public now believes the war was a mistake. Decisive numbers believe we should start the process of leaving Iraq. And the public is overwhelmingly against sending more troops to the country. The country’s foreign policy establishment (much derided, yes, but look at the results) is also overwhelmingly against escalation.
And yet, with all this, the president has ignored the Congress, not consulted the 110th Congress in any real way, has ignored the now longstanding views of the majority of the country’s citizens and wants to plow ahead with an expansion of his own failed and overwhelmingly repudiated policy. The need for Congress to assert itself in such a case transcends the particulars of Iraq policy. It’s important to confirm the democratic character of the state itself. The president is not a king. He is not a Stuart. And one more Hail Mary pass for George W. Bush’s legacy just isn’t a good enough reason for losing more American lives, treasure and prestige.
Get to work, Congress. You have power. Use it.