Will improved stability in Iraq last?

The New York Times has an encouraging front-page piece today about many families in Iraq finding that they can exhale for the first time in quite a while, thanks to modest improvements to security. The piece noted one Shiite librarian in southern Baghdad who is “one of many Iraqis who in recent weeks have begun to test where they can go and what they can do when fear no longer controls their every move.”

The security improvements in most neighborhoods are real. Days now pass without a car bomb, after a high of 44 in the city in February. The number of bodies appearing on Baghdad’s streets has plummeted to about 5 a day, from as many as 35 eight months ago, and suicide bombings across Iraq fell to 16 in October, half the number of last summer and down sharply from a recent peak of 59 in March, the American military says.

As a result, for the first time in nearly two years, people are moving with freedom around much of this city. In more than 50 interviews across Baghdad, it became clear that while there were still no-go zones, more Iraqis now drive between Sunni and Shiite areas for work, shopping or school, a few even after dark. In the most stable neighborhoods of Baghdad, some secular women are also dressing as they wish. Wedding bands are playing in public again, and at a handful of once shuttered liquor stores customers now line up outside in a collective rebuke to religious vigilantes from the Shiite Mahdi Army.

Iraqis are clearly surprised and relieved to see commerce and movement finally increase, five months after an extra 30,000 American troops arrived in the country. But the depth and sustainability of the changes remain open to question.

It all sounds quite heartening. Iraqis still won’t return to homes they fled due to sectarian violence, but in some areas, there are signs of normalcy. Baghdad is still a patchwork of Sunni and Shiite enclaves, and Iraqi security forces are not mixed with Sunnis and Shiites together, but the bloodshed is not as horrific as it was.

I was talking to a reader the other day who suggested that we might be able to tolerate security progress without political progress. His argument was, in effect, that reconciliation would be nice, but perhaps unnecessary — modest stability in a post-ethnic-cleansing Iraq might be good enough to label the status quo a “success.”

That might sound compelling, but it doesn’t stand up well to scrutiny.

The AP’s Robert Reid tackled this very subject yesterday.

The drop in bombings and killings in Baghdad is a welcome change from years of slaughter. But U.S. commanders and many Iraqis fear the relative quiet won’t last without substantial political agreements among the country’s sectarian leaders.

The fear: Sunni and Shiite extremist groups responsible for the carnage are still around — bloodied but not destroyed. And many of the key power-sharing issues that fueled the conflict remain unresolved.

Without agreements to resolve them, the conflict could flare up again, as it did after previous lulls. And some of the measures that have helped ease the violence could backfire, triggering new bloodshed.

“The aim of this military operation was to find a period of time to achieve reconciliation among Iraqis,” said Dr. Saad al-Hadithi, a political science professor at Baghdad University. “But if the government is hesitant and lacks confidence, then this lull will not last for long.”

I know it starts to sound repetitious, but every time a war supporter points to a modest drop in violence as evidence of the “surge’s” success, I wonder if they’re forgetful or intentionally missing the point — the surge’s principal goal was to pave the way for political reconciliation. Over the last year, there’s been no political progress at all — in fact, it’s gone backwards. Policies that fail to achieve their goals are not success stories.

In Iraq’s case, violence in late 2007 is now better than it was in early 2007, and that’s certainly encouraging. But the administration established specific, worthwhile goals for his surge policy, and we’ve come up short, across the board. Worse, there’s no evidence to suggest that we will reach those goals anytime soon.

And with the surge about to end, involuntarily, and the administration unable to make any political strides, Iraq’s future is uncertain, at best. The sooner we prepare to withdraw, the sooner Iraqis will feel the pressure to reconcile.

Progress now in some ways is a moot point. Many of these people are STILL displaced from their homes. Car bombs no longer go off EVERY DAY. 5 bodies A DAY showing up on the streets of one city? That’s got to be the worst murder rate of any city in the world. Some people are even bold enough to go out after dark. Freedom is on the march!

  • After living under a vicious dictator and then a bloodbath of unimaginable proportions, the Iraqi people certainly deserve peace and prosperity. Maybe like the conflict in northern Ireland, the people will stand up to their militants and say enough is enough. That decision has to come from them, not us.

  • If I climb into my car hammered after a night in the bars, and drive all the way home without killing anybody, or wrapping up my car, that’s a rather narrow definition of ‘success’.

    It certainly doens’t mean that it was a good idea to get behind the wheel blotto in the first place, or to do it again next Friday night, or that I’m ready to drive Formula One for Ferrari.

    It means I’m a criminal who didn’t get caught…

  • I was actually going to send an email to both you Kevin over at Political Animal (my two main online haunts) asking you both to post that any reduction of violence is a positive thing.

    Yes, yes … it has a lot to do with ethnic cleansing being effective and the mass exodus of people. And there is still no political progress. All of those are troubling and must be resolved, and there is no guarantee the success will last.

    Let’s at least acknowledge it, however, and recognize it as a good thing. Sure, the GOP may score some political points off the deal, and that kinda sucks.

    But the benefits for the Iraqi people and our military personnel far outweigh any loss in the polls. It’s sometimes hard to see past that, but it’s important that we do. At least every now and then.

    I have no issues with hammering home the point that the surge still hasn’t led to political success, or even pointing out that the surge could very well have nothing to do with the reduction in violence.

    But a reduction is a reduction. I guess I just fail to see how that’s a bad thing (although admit perhaps I’m just in a good mood today, so … ).

    🙂

  • Two points:

    First, the ethnic cleansing perpetrated by all factions within Iraq is nearing completion, hence a lower level of violence related to that activity. Countless Iraqis have fled to neighboring countries or live in refugee camps in Iraq.

    Second, see the item in CB’s Monday Mini-Report: “According to Maj. Gen. Graham Binns, commander of British forces in Basra, violence fell dramatically after foreign troops withdrew from his area of Iraq.” Fell by 90%! The best way to further reduce violence in Iraq would be for the US to follow the lead of our smarter cousins from Britain.

  • One thing — my point above was that we have no idea how long this will last, but since less death is a good thing, let’s hope it lasts.

    Not sure if that was clear.

  • I don’t think anyone’s saying that reduction in violence is a bad thing – any reduction is good – but the struggle seems to be over what this means for the future. Does it mean we can safely go? Well, that’s an answer that won’t be clear until we do go, although the experience in Basra after the British left seems to suggest there is some reason to think that leaving might firm up the less-violent atmosphere.

    It’s been noted, though, that things are getting worse in some parts of the north – why try to make problems in areas where there are lots of American troops when you can head into other areas where troops are less of a presence? This has been an ongoing problem since the war started, and looks to be a tactic still in the playbook.

    But what about political reconciliation? Are we just waiting for all of the Sunnis to be driven out of Iraq, thereby making the political issues less contentious? Is there a plan to unseat Maliki and install a new set of more US-friendly/cooperative politicians? Who’s watching Ahmad Chalabi?

    As the violence is reduced in some areas, how quickly can the water and electricity and sewage issues be addressed? It might be great to be able to walk the streets again, but if you still have no water or electricity and those streets are flowing with sewage, how long before the residents reach the point where they will not tolerate those conditions? Will the presence of contractors bring violence back to those areas?

    I guess we’ll see what happens when forces are drawn down to pre-surge levels. I think people – Democrats – need to stop expressing what seems like fear that we won’t have anger about Iraq to work for us in the 2008 elections. Not only does that make us seem heartless, and very partisan, but it ignores all the other Iraq-related issues that are likely to still be there. Blackwater and the private security contractors are headed to a grand jury and some possibly intense and damaging examination. There is the IG debacle that is likely to highlight the billions of dollars in unsupervised contracts that were awarded, and bring the major players and their GOP connection into a much brighter light than they would prefer. There are issues about torture and prisons and Afghanistan and, oh, yeah – you know we’re going to hear from bin Laden again.

    Dems need to be talking about how to capitalize on the reduction in violence, and ought to be leading on diplomatic and political solutions, not just standing by and talking about what they will do in 2009.

  • Yeah, without political progress they’re not going to be able to get anything done, and they need a lot done.

    The number of bodies appearing on Baghdad’s streets has plummeted to about 5 a day, from as many as 35 eight months ago, and suicide bombings across Iraq fell to 16 in October, half the number of last summer and down sharply from a recent peak of 59 in March, the American military says.

    Imagine if the U.S. had 16 car bombings a month, and Washington, D.C., had 5 murders a day!

  • There have been lulls in the violence before and each one hailed as a sign of “success” or “victory”, and all of them ephermal. As a cynic I find all this convenient happy talk unpersuasive, and most likely propaganda leading up to a minor withdrawal of troops and an argument for more funding. The witless buffoons, better known as the MSM, are just being played again, and are happy to be the monkeys at the end of a leash. Show me six months of reduced civilian and military casualties, and I might begin to believe it. Better yet show me political progress towards reconciliation and reconstruction before declaring yet another phony “mission accomplished” (skip the codpiece).

  • While I’m glad the violence appears to have lessened, I don’t think Bush will agree to leave because of “improved stability” without a firm commitment from the Iraqi government, such as it is, to authorize the presence of those American military bases that need almost as many American troops to sustain as there are in Baghdad now AND to permit the plans for the “biggest embassy in the world” to go forward, quite uninvited by the Iraqis. The administration has already spent billions on constructing these facilities, though much of it has been wasted through fraud and incompetence, and the embassy is nowhere near complete.

    Then there are the PSAs, those oil field development Profit Sharing Agreements that Cheney really really wants to get signed and is the reason for the invasion in the first place. So far, they’re in Iraqi committees with no anticipated date of authorization or approval. Just to refresh your memory:

    A CONTRACTUAL RIP-OFF

    ….In Iraq’s case, these contracts could be signed while the government is new and weak, the security situation dire, and the country still under military occupation. As such the terms are likely to be highly unfavourable, but could persist for up to 40 years.

    Furthermore, PSAs generally exempt foreign oil companies from any new laws that might affect their profits. And the contracts often stipulate that disputes are heard not in the country’s own courts but in international investment tribunals, which make their decisions on commercial grounds and do not consider the national interest or other national laws. Iraq could be surrendering its democracy as soon as it achieves it.

    POLICY DELIVERED FROM AMERICA TO IRAQ

    Production sharing agreements have been heavily promoted by oil companies and by the US Administration.

    The use of PSAs in Iraq was proposed by the Future of Iraq project, the US State Department’s planning mechanism, prior to the 2003 invasion. These proposals were subsequently developed by the Coalition Provisional Authority, by the Iraq Interim Government and by the current Transitional Government. The Iraqi Constitution also opens the door to foreign companies, albeit in legally vague terms.

    …. the pressure for Iraq to adopt PSAs is substantial. The current government is fast-tracking the process and is already negotiating contracts with oil companies in parallel with the constitutional process, elections and passage of a Petroleum Law.

    The Constitution also suggests a decentralisation of authority over oil contracts, from the national level to Iraq’s regions. If implemented, the regions would have weaker bargaining power than a national government, leading to poorer terms for Iraq in any deal with oil companies.

    A RADICAL DEPARTURE

    In order to make their case, oil companies and their supporters argue that PSAs are standard practice in the oil industry and that Iraq has no other option to finance oil development. Neither of these assertions is true.

    According to International Energy Agency figures, PSAs are only used in respect of about 12% of world oil reserves, in countries where oilfields are small (and often offshore), production costs are high, and exploration prospects are uncertain. None of these conditions applies to Iraq.

    None of the top oil producers in the Middle East uses PSAs. Some governments that have signed them regret doing so. In Russia, where political upheaval was followed by rapid opening up to the private sector in the 1990s, PSAs have cost the state billions of dollars, making it unlikely that any more will be signed. The parallel with Iraq’s current transition is obvious.

    The advocates of PSAs also claim that obtaining investment from foreign companies through these types of contracts would save the government up to $2.5 billion a year, freeing up funds for other public spending. Although this is true, the investment by oil companies now would be massively offset by the loss of state revenues later.

    Our calculations show that were the Iraqi government to use PSAs, its cost of capital would be between 75% and 119%. At this cost, the advantages referred to are simply not worth it.

    Iraq has a range of less damaging and expensive options for generating investment in its oil sector. These include: financing oil development through government budgetary expenditure (as is currently the case), using future oil flows as collateral to borrow money, or using international oil companies through shorter-term, less restrictive and less lucrative contracts than PSAs (4).

    IN WHOSE INTERESTS?

    PSAs represent a radical redesign of Iraq’s oil industry, wrenching it from public into private hands. The strategic drivers for this are the US/UK push for “energy security” in a constrained market and the multinational oil companies’ need to “book” new reserves to secure future growth.

    Despite their disadvantages to the Iraqi economy and democracy, they are being introduced in Iraq without public debate.

    It is up to the Iraqi people to decide the terms for the development of their oil resources.

  • 4.2 million Iraqis now live in Syria and Jordan as refugees. Maybe that’s why some neighborhoods are quiet.

  • But a reduction is a reduction. I guess I just fail to see how that’s a bad thing (although admit perhaps I’m just in a good mood today, so … ).

    I want to know who you think thinks a reduction in violence is a bad thing? Do you think that Mr. Benen or Mr. Drum think so? If not, why point out that you were about to email them stating that they shouldn’t? Where do you get the idea that either of them think that a reduction in violence is a bad thing? How many other people do you think believe that?

  • How many millions have left Iraq? How many have been cleansed from the area? Are the groups sick of America’s involvement…of their presence and are just waiting for them to leave…one less faction to deal with? Is it now more important for the time being to get the sewer situation and the water and utilities under control? Maybe the time out is good for all sides to get things under control again.
    One thing is for certain…Bush will never leave Iraq unless he is forced to…not without the PSAs or a permanent force in place.

    It is the foothold in the ME… in the middle of all that oil. The mass murdering kings of torture are there to stay as long as there’s money to be made.

  • Again, if people already think you paid too much, there’s no way to get what you paid for. Unless there’s a rebate, there’s no way to spend less on your purchase than you already have.

    We will bottom out eventually — it’s happened in Rwanda, in Bosnia — but that doesn’t mean Rwanda was a success. We can end an atrocity, not erase it.

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